Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu explicitly listed Turkey's conditions as follows:
The People's Protection Units (YPG) must withdraw from the strategic Mannagh Military Airport, must not try to break the corridor and must depart Azaz as immediately as possible.
On Sunday, Turkey hit the PKK-affiliated Democratic Union Party's (PYD) armed YPG forces in northern Syria for the second day as the PYD did not step back. This development has not made any change in the PYD's stance. Contrarily, PYD Co-Chair Salih Muslim announced that they reject Ankara's demands, adding that the air base Turkey shelled had been in the hands of the al-Qaida-linked al-Nusra Front until forces allied to the PYD captured it last week. "Do they want the Nusra Front to stay there, or for the regime to come and occupy it?" Muslim asked.
After Turkey's latest move, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden also urged Ankara to stop shelling during a telephone conversation he had with Davutoğlu.
When the equation is considered, it is obvious that there are endeavors to put Turkey in a tight spot. Ankara has all along claimed that Syria's Bashar Assad backed up the rise of the monstrous terrorist group DAESH as opposed to an opposition solely against him in order to reconstruct himself as an agent. As part of this goal, imprisoned members of al-Qaida were discharged and provided with weapons. The PYD did not fight against Assad, but rather sided with the regime.
In the light of the latest developments, the rightfulness of this argument is becoming more and more evident. The world seems united against DAESH and, leaving the transition period aside, Assad has started to be included in the permanent long-term plans. And the strange point is that the opposition has been in the main disadvantaged position so far even though various coalitions were formed against DAESH. The opposition has been hit from air by Russia and from land by the Assad regime while no one does anything against DAESH.
On the other hand, it has been verified by the parties that Assad backs the PYD. Assad pays the salaries of officials in cantons where the PYD has declared autonomy. In an interview he gave to The Sunday Times on Aug. 12, 2015, Assad clearly articulated this relationship and remarked that the PYD fights against terror in the same regions as the regime. He also said in the interview that the YPG is trained by the Syrian army and they had documents of the weapons and equipment they sent to the PYD.
With a tactic similar to Assad's, the PYD gained a serious ground of legitimacy by representing itself to the world as a force fighting against DAESH. Muslim has also shrewdly implied to Ankara that it would be better if they were in the place of al-Nusra Front or Assad. However, Assad equals the PYD.
The curious aspects of the latest developments in Syria are not limited to these. As presidential spokesman İbrahim Kalın wrote in his latest column in Daily Sabah: "Over the last two years, the key stakeholders, including Moscow, have repeated the motto that there is no military solution for Syria and have promised a diplomatic solution. But the Russian-Iranian-Syrian regime alliance has proven the opposite to be true. It is this new military push that has undermined the Geneva talks and the U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254."
In the meantime, the air and land operations motivated to revive Assad can create a separate and highly dangerous situation on the ground. Hitting civilians and forcing masses to migrate to aid Assad as opposed to the ineffective operations against DAESH might increase participation rates in DAESH both in Syria and Europe.
In a nutshell, the world is rushing toward a disaster in Syria due to the U.S.'s passive and almost senseless policies. Even though Ankara has expressed its rightful arguments and tried to maintain a fair and conscientious foreign policy all along, it is gradually being backed into a tight corner while some try to hinder the implementation of such a policy. Some hopes may rise in this equation if the U.S. shifts its stance or Russia finally becomes unable to sustain its current stance due to economic constraints. Other than such possibilities, the dark days in the Middle East are unfortunately likely to continue.