The second half of the 20th century saw the rise of globalization and with the end of the Cold War our understanding of political economy that was based on and defined by national interests, transformed into a global political economic order by transnational elitists and the process could not be hampered by nationalists.
From the mid-1990s till the 2008 financial crisis, this process that hit worried political, scientific and business institutions like a tsunami and turned into a global cultural-political network over some 35 years, before compelling communities worldwide for the interpretation of a global language through emojis and even a new religion.
But when that tsunami receded to some extent after the last global financial crisis, nationalists hastened their rise to restrain the absolute power of globalists in many leading developed and developing countries. And Trump's election as the U.S. president was one of the most key consequences of that struggle.
However, the globalists knew very well how to circumvent the West by feeding it, on one hand, Islamophobia, and on the other extreme right and neo-fascist discourses and activities, using the media and intelligence at their disposal.
Meanwhile, the recent rise of far-right tendencies and the storm caused by Daesh terror have paralyzed European politicians and the latest example is the German elections set for Sept. 24.
German politicians, drawn into the whirlpool of globalists, are trying to face the key polls along with a number of political tensions with Turkey.
Turkey, with its newfound economic, military, and political power under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's leadership, has become a "playmaker" in Eurasia for the first time since the establishment of the Republic. It dominates international political agenda and has apparently become a center of "appeal" in European politics.
The high price of losing TurkeyEven though the German politicians are trying to make people forget about "Brexit," which was a real breaking point for the European Union (EU) project, them almost bankrupting South Europe with economic policies during the 2008 financial crisis, the early transition to the euro and the failure in dealing with the immigrant crisis because of its tension with Turkey, and EU voters are not buying it. A taxi driver in Milan repeated twice that our German friends do not like while we were conversing.
Germany has lately been in search of a way to reinstate its decreasing influence in international politics. In the process, to cater to Europe's energy demand, Germany struck a deal with Russia. But the energy partnership with Russia led south European countries and France, who do not like an all-dictating Germany, to look for alternative energy corridors that pass through Turkey. This in turn seriously troubled Germany. They killed the Nabuco Project, but Turkey has since picked up the initiative with its Trans Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP) project.
It seems that Turkey's rise as a global transit point in international air transport industry and its validated role in China's "Belt and Road" project have troubled certain parties. Germany, specifically with the EU issues I have mentioned above, has to take the blame here.
The EU Commission's inability to develop policies and the increasing discontent of member states aside, their diplomatic relations with Russia are also stuck.
In 2016, Germany faced harsh criticism for not giving the green light to Georgia's NATO membership and it had to impose sanctions on Russia under U.S. pressure. Eventually, many German companies were not able to cooperate with their Russian counterparts. During this period, its decision to hold constructive relations with a long-time ally like Turkey, its elected president, government and the Turkish society could have created the possibilities to compensate for Germany's losses.
Now, if it is looking for a guilty party for losing Turkey and its people's faith, all it has to do is look in the mirror.
Realistic steps from German companiesThe fact that German companies have participated in four out of the eight consortiums that bid for Turkey's $1.2-billion wind energy tender, supports the Turkish government's statement that it has embraced German companies just like Turkish companies. Our only hope is that German companies will rescue German politicians from the trap they got themselves into.