Brazilian elections have given the expected result. Jair Bolsonaro, a far-right candidate was poised to win the elections and did so with 55 percent of the votes – a huge victory under any climate.

After Poland, Hungary, Italy, the Philippines and the U.S., Brazil is the latest country to have elected a hugely extremist administration. The leftist candidate, Fernando Haddad, secured a respectable 44.9 percent in the second round but the number was insufficient for the continuation of the 14-year-long Worker's Party (PT) rule.

Former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who is serving a prison term on corruption charges, was prevented from becoming a candidate. He could have been a much more dangerous candidate against Bolsonaro, but the Brazilian elite has decided to disqualify Lula for Haddad, a moderate social democrat, to almost open wide the gates of power to Bolsonaro.

It is a known fact that Brazilian politics and state administrations are mostly corrupt. Social stratification is rigid and the absence of social justice is blatant. Lula, a former worker himself, was elected 14 years ago to bring a new approach to this ossified system. The labor leader turned president oversaw a dramatic rise in Brazil's economy from 2002 to 2010, pulling millions from poverty and making the country a prominent player on the world stage. But he did not foresee the violence the Brazilian "white elites" would use to fight him. On the other hand, even with the nice principles of the PT, the corruption remained mostlyunchallengeable and it poisoned Lula's and his successor, Dilma Rousseff's terms in the office.

Lula always claimed to be innocent and appealed his conviction, which by law makes him ineligible to run for office. However, Brazil's electoral court has the power to make final decisions on candidacies, and the sentence was unequivocal, there would be no contest between Lula and Bolsonaro.

The latter is a pure continuation of the military regimes that ruled Brazil for decades. A former military officer, Bolsonaro advocates "law and order," together with an extended right to carry arms. He will "fight against corruption," meaning that corruption will once again be monopolized by Brazil's white elites.

His supporters claimed to "stop flirting with socialism and communism, like in Cuba and Venezuela." If Lula were allowed to participate in the electoral contest, his ticket would have been Manuela d'Avila, representing the Brazilian Communist Party. That would have given a large front of the left against the extreme right, supported by a myriad of evangelical churches. That would have been a very conventional and traditional divide within the Brazilian – and by the way in any Latin American – society. Probably the left would have won again. But thejudicial system decided otherwise.

The Venezuelan example, much more than Cuba, remains a scarecrow frequently used by right-wing politicians. It is hugely influencing the Central and Southern American populations as well. The Brazilian elections were placed under the sign of a vivid and violent anti-communist and anti-socialist diatribe. Clashes have been very frequent and Bolsonaro was stabbed during one of his meetings, where he nearly died.

This accident consolidated his image as a fighter and probably helped him win the elections. His team is not well known, except for the economic advisor, Paulo Guedes – a pure product of the Chicago school, an ultra-liberal economist. He definitely supports liberal economic ties with the world and is respectful of international trading agreements. This is perhaps good news for this "Tropical Trump" era, as Bolsonaro is frequently called.

Nevertheless, how his "economic nationalism" would espouse Guedes' views remains a mystery. More dangerously, Bolsonaro is an anti-environmentalist, in the direct vein of Donald Trump; he could get Brazil out of the Paris Agreement. That would be disastrous news not only for the Amazonian Indians, but for the entire planet.