Turkey's transition from single rule to full representation of its people


Administrative systems corrupt easily but cannot be fixed overnight. In Turkey, the parliamentary system degenerated in to a one-man-show over the years. It did not start as a system based on an assembly of people elected to govern to begin with. The first Great National Assembly, as it was named, was not a fully and democratically elected body. Right after World War I, under the partial occupation of allied armies, the founders of the liberation movement could not afford a democratic ballot. Many deputies were either selected by regional commanders and governors or directly invited by the National Movement. Yet, it had a sizable number of deputies to form an opposition group. The members of the Second Assembly were more representative and even had an opposition party.

Despite the strong urges of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk), the founder of the modern Republic of Turkey, Parliament never had a true democratic opposition until 1946. All that time, candidates for Parliament were named by the leader of the single party, and voters simply acted as rubber-stamps. The reversal of roles between prime ministers and parliaments has continued since then. Now, we have the 27th Parliament in session since 1920. Parliament tried to censure individual cabinet ministers or governments as a whole 446 times, submitting interpellation requests; and only two were accepted; two governments collapsed and about 10 ministers resigned.

This was not a parliamentary system in the true sense of the name. All these years a handful of bills proposed by deputies were voted in to law; all other laws were proposed by the executive branch. Turkish legislatures automatically ratifying the governments' bills and budgets (for any government must have a majority in Parliament to get a vote of confidence), but lost its two important functions: to legislate and scrutinize. Coalition governments cost Turkey valuable time and energy, and parliaments never solved political crises. Some ended in military interventions. The average life span of a government in Turkey is one-and-a-half years. Presidents were true figureheads watching this drama, while unable to do anything.

The Turkish switch from this corrupt system to the presidential one started in reverse order: First, a reform made presidents elected by popular vote; later, the president was given true executive powers. Last month's referendum completed this process. Turkey now steps into a new administrative structure: The presidential system.

As such, sitting presidents may keep their political party affiliations if they choose. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan did so and renewed his ties with the party he co-founded.

President Erdoğan has opened a new chapter in his political life: He represents the 2003 popular revolution in the eyes of those who made that revolution in the first place. He is taking his rightful place at its helm.