In the legal textbooks scholars define exculpatory and inculpatory evidence - the former being favorable to the defendant in a criminal trial, while the latter tends to prove guilt. There are also direct versus circumstantial evidence: Observation versus inference. The former directly proves a fact, while the latter allows a fact to be inferred. Sometimes you may infer subjective intentions from the data obtained from objective events. For forensic scientists, statistics and the evaluation of evidence could be of immense value.

I am repeating these known knowns (please remember President George Bush's Secretary of Defense Ronald Rumsfeld's famous dichotomy of "known knowns" and "unknown unknowns"), so that which seems to be circumstantial evidence shows us the development of the Gülenist Terror Group's (FETÖ) conspiracy to take over the government.

Can you imagine a state DA sending the sheriff of his county to Washington, D.C. with a subpoena, to arrest the director of the CIA? No, you cannot. Neither could we in Turkey. But a local assistant public prosecutor called the general director of the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) on Feb. 7, 2012, to come to testify as a suspect of high treason. There are 1 million rules and regulations to do that, and the MİT director's paycheck is way higher than your assistant public prosecutors'. If you are the prime minister authorized by law to send the MİT director to court, and you know nothing about this invitation to testify (maybe arrest), you raise an eyebrow or two. First question to ask is who this young and ambitious public prosecutor is. Lo and behold, he is a member of the cult who sneaked in the judiciary by cheating in the entrance exam.

Hardly six months passed and the transcripts of the secret talks between the director of the MİT and the ethnic Kurds in Oslo on the reforms to repeal the Republic's age-old rejection of the Kurdish identity policy had surfaced. The leak was related directly to the members of the same cult.

Another six months later, the country witnessed an unprecedentedly organized violence in all 81 provinces. The reason: Re-locating 16 trees re-designing a park. One morning during the peaceful looking protests a group of unknown men, neither police nor military, burned down the tents of the protesters and the tension rises to a level that could topple a faint-hearted government. Later police found out that the cult, as supported by an international team of activists who successfully toppled governments organizing orange and other colorful revolutions, was behind the violence.

When the government finally tried to reorganize the university entrance exam system so that the cult's preparatory testing courses would no longer be able to distribute answer sheets to their members, the cult decided that it was time for the Armageddon.

First they released fabricated documents implicating four ministers and their children in a graft probe. The Foreign Policy magazine would call it "the mother of all corruption scandals"; Deutsche Welle thought that the scandal rocked the country. Later there were documents and transcripts of telephone conversations, this time implicating bank managers, CEOs of major companies, even then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

The government naturally looked at police departments, offices of the prosecutors, and it was clearly obvious that these attacks were also coming from the cult. This time the government was determined to eradicate the cult from the judiciary and the police. The same cleansing in the armed forces would be conducted at the forthcoming High Military Council in August. The cult knew that when its last bastion in the armed forces is gone, all hopes to conquer the country would vanish into thin air; a coup in July would be their last hope; and they committed their last crazy act: They thought they could topple the government simply by killing the president and the prime minister. One thing they overlooked was the people.

During the previous military putschs, the people did not resist the soldiers. Well maybe they did not yet know that they could. But many things had changed in Turkey since 2003. First, they now know that as a people we did not deserve to be subjected to a shameful, disgraceful military rule. The 1997 military memorandum by the military leadership, which forced a majority governments resign and a minority government installed, was the last dishonor the Turkish people endured. Since 2003, the people have been especially enjoying peaceful elections and strong-majority governments. They were not willing to give up their democratic rights and privileges. So they did not.

First time in their history, perhaps in the history of all military interventions, the Turkish people stopped tanks with their bare hands. Yes, they lost 249 sons, daughters, fathers and mothers, and 2,193 people were wounded and maimed, but democracy won.

Oh, what about the corporatist tutelary regime?

It too went into the dustbin of history with that cult.