Kılıçdaroğlu in trouble with the opposition bloc in CHP
Everyone is surprised at what is happening in the Republican People's Party (CHP) and yet, this is not an unexpected situation at all.
Although he objects to my articles, CHP Chairman Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu knows the people who have taken action in the party and he was expecting it.
Kılıçdaroğlu had argued that, "Turkey will be divided because of the new system" during the referendum process, but now his party is the one facing real division.
Now, Kılıçdaroğlu is concerned about introducing the fine politics of eliminating those who contribute to the division one by one.
For the first time, there is a different picture in the CHP during the nearly seven-year Kılıçdaroğlu rule. A very clear opposition line has been created against the party chairman.
I do not know whether these have a response in the society, but it is no secret that they have hardly any response within the CHP.
The former CHP leader Deniz Baykal, the party's Yalova deputy Muharrem İnce, Mersin deputy Fikri Sağlar and lastly spokesperson Selin Sayek Böke have joined this opposition line. It is being said that this line may have 19 supporters in the party assembly and nearly 30 supporters among deputies, corresponding to nearly one-third of the party.
The situation is no different with delegates, which strengthens Kılıçdaroğlu's hand and forces him to lash out at them, saying, "I will kick wranglers out."
In fact, the presidential government system gives the CHP a chance to conduct politics, but the party has not yet displayed a political approach to be able to evaluate it.
No individuals or groups have a political proposal for the new era, which makes Kılıçdaroğlu strong.
Baykal's scolding that "either be a candidate, or withdraw," Sağlar's criticism of "one-man rule," İnce's usual rhetoric and Böke's call for street protests failed to mobilize the CHP base, which is stuck at just 25 percent, let alone the 48.6 percent of the public who supported the "no" bloc in the recent referendum.
Therefore, no political actors whose names are mentioned can attain the chairmanship through the party caucus against Kılıçdaroğlu.
In that case, Kılıçdaroğlu will lead the process until the ordinary caucus with a strategy that will turn the process in his own favor.
At that time, any politicians who challenge him will not have the chance to be a deputy or enter the party assembly.
Thus, Kılıçdaroğlu will have gotten rid of all the "ballasts," after which the main danger for the CHP and Kılıçdaroğlu will start. This is because some power groups make calculations thinking that Kılıçdaroğlu will make the CHP the "single-voice" party he wants.
They think the CHP will shrink as Kılıçdaroğlu will fail to produce new politics that will affect Turkish society after this point, and moreover, the party will be fragmented and a new party will emerge from it.
Many power groups both from inside and outside suggest that this project cannot be actualized unless CHP's political players are undermined or the party is fragmented.
Finally, with or without Kılıçdaroğlu, the party's future seems darker than ever.
Although he objects to my articles, CHP Chairman Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu knows the people who have taken action in the party and he was expecting it.
Kılıçdaroğlu had argued that, "Turkey will be divided because of the new system" during the referendum process, but now his party is the one facing real division.
Now, Kılıçdaroğlu is concerned about introducing the fine politics of eliminating those who contribute to the division one by one.
For the first time, there is a different picture in the CHP during the nearly seven-year Kılıçdaroğlu rule. A very clear opposition line has been created against the party chairman.
I do not know whether these have a response in the society, but it is no secret that they have hardly any response within the CHP.
The former CHP leader Deniz Baykal, the party's Yalova deputy Muharrem İnce, Mersin deputy Fikri Sağlar and lastly spokesperson Selin Sayek Böke have joined this opposition line. It is being said that this line may have 19 supporters in the party assembly and nearly 30 supporters among deputies, corresponding to nearly one-third of the party.
The situation is no different with delegates, which strengthens Kılıçdaroğlu's hand and forces him to lash out at them, saying, "I will kick wranglers out."
In fact, the presidential government system gives the CHP a chance to conduct politics, but the party has not yet displayed a political approach to be able to evaluate it.
No individuals or groups have a political proposal for the new era, which makes Kılıçdaroğlu strong.
Baykal's scolding that "either be a candidate, or withdraw," Sağlar's criticism of "one-man rule," İnce's usual rhetoric and Böke's call for street protests failed to mobilize the CHP base, which is stuck at just 25 percent, let alone the 48.6 percent of the public who supported the "no" bloc in the recent referendum.
Therefore, no political actors whose names are mentioned can attain the chairmanship through the party caucus against Kılıçdaroğlu.
In that case, Kılıçdaroğlu will lead the process until the ordinary caucus with a strategy that will turn the process in his own favor.
At that time, any politicians who challenge him will not have the chance to be a deputy or enter the party assembly.
Thus, Kılıçdaroğlu will have gotten rid of all the "ballasts," after which the main danger for the CHP and Kılıçdaroğlu will start. This is because some power groups make calculations thinking that Kılıçdaroğlu will make the CHP the "single-voice" party he wants.
They think the CHP will shrink as Kılıçdaroğlu will fail to produce new politics that will affect Turkish society after this point, and moreover, the party will be fragmented and a new party will emerge from it.
Many power groups both from inside and outside suggest that this project cannot be actualized unless CHP's political players are undermined or the party is fragmented.
Finally, with or without Kılıçdaroğlu, the party's future seems darker than ever.