The ongoing economic crisis in Greece is one of the several topics determining the global agenda. While Turkey continues to discuss the results of its June 7 general elections and coalition options, it is also keeping one eye on developments in Greece, which is normal, since the crisis in Greece does not only pose an institutional risk to the eurozone. It is also an indicator of a strong risk in terms of world economies. And the situation is even more delicate for Turkey as the 13 years of one-party governments has come to an end.

Due to the fact that it has been many years since Turkey was ruled by a coalition government, Turkish politics has nearly forgotten this reality, and now it blunderingly strives to kick off the work to form a coalition. It is counting the days for the experience of forming a government through reconciliation. In the current period in which many problems have risen in the economy, Turkey is obliged to the option of a coalition, which is associated with instability, economic crisis and corruption. Therefore, the financial crisis in Greece is being observed attentively. Of course, there are some noneconomic motives for observing Greece. For instance, a Parliament member remarked that Turkey can undertake the 1.6 billion euro debt that Greece needs to pay as a requirement of neighborly relations, which drew attention. The contribution of siding with Greece in such a period to Greek-Turkish relations is beyond dispute. However, the real question is not only whether Turkey should side with the Greeks in their tough times.

The most correct way to side with the Greeks in their tough times, which they got into as a result of irresponsible and populist policies, is to lead Greece to adopt some structural reforms that would avert the country from resorting to such a populist policy again instead of undertaking the debt it needs to pay only out of friendly relations. In this scope, the posture of the International Monetary Fund and EU countries, especially German Chancellor Angela Merkel, seems correct, at least in the short run, even though it caused quite a stir among the Greek public. However, this correctness that can be recognized in a short-term assessment should not trivialize a fundamental problem, which is not only peculiar to Greece, but also to Europe as a whole.

This fundamental problem is that the center parties have, by and large, lost their base throughout Europe while they have almost dispersed in the Mediterranean basin. The populist and irresponsible policies of the center parties and their postponement of re-institutionalizing themselves according to the 21st century's conditions have undeniably influenced their decline. However, the current picture reveals that more radical and marginal political movements, which also act on the grounds of the same populism, have started to determine the countries' policies, and they are bringing about more harmful consequences since they are more skillful in disguising their irresponsibility with ideologies and identity politics. The Syriza-led government can be regarded as an example of this.

It would be helpful if Europe acts with a strategy that would save Greece from the dilemma of radicalism.

This duty of Europe also goes for Turkey, where some marginal factors have started to gain strength against the center. Although the picture in Turkey is more promising in terms of central stability when compared to many European countries, it is noticeable that the tendencies of taking risks have grown. It is required for Europe to be a little more careful about the elaborated and appealing rhetoric of marginal factors that have wrecked the center in Greece and have started to undermine the center in Turkey.