The Kurdish political movement has a rather troublesome relationship with the Middle East. This situation, which the Kurds like to perpetuate by clinging onto a sense of selective victimhood, represents one of the greatest hurdles to effective addressing. Indeed, at this point, the Kurds suffer from deep trauma and serious victimization. The reasoning that all problems would be solved had the Sykes-Picot Agreement entailed a nation-state for the Kurds or that a Kurdish state had emerged north of the 36th parallel in the 1990s, however, remains worth questioning. Of course, belated nationalists exploit the previous sentence as a source of century-old excuses; but no matter how one were to read history, there is no disputing the stories of post-World War I states or the suffering of their citizens.We have to establish, though, that the disintegration of the Sykes-Picot regime has engendered a chaotic order. And each approach that cannot exceed the limits of a neo-Sykes-Picot perspective represents an investment in more bloodshed as opposed to the emergence of a new, peaceful order from the ashes. The suffering and destruction that movements with such tendencies have caused over the past couple of years attest to the aforementioned fact.Against this background, we watch Kurdish politicians develop superficial analyses rather than follow the tragedy that tens of thousands of people that crossed the Turkish border last week has endured. Surely enough, just a quick glance at the faces of these oppressed people who sought refuge in Turkey, would speak volumes about the destruction that the century-old order has caused in the Middle East. Meanwhile, those who would rather act recklessly than draw lessons from the catastrophe have little to offer people carrying their relatives on their backs or to the Middle East, which is experiencing a chaotic historical moment. This is exactly why the Kurdish political movement chooses to assume the most absurd positions and remains committed to a deep anachronism.It seems unlikely for a movement that sought to build an alliance between the Ba'ath regime and the Kurds, the most oppressed people in Syria, to develop a reasonable roadmap within the context of the Syrian uprising. To make matters worse, the Kurdish political movement tends to leverage the Syrian civil war to score points for the Kurdish reconciliation process. At a time of regional chaos, the cost of failing to appreciate the meaning of the only constructive and positive political agenda is simply too heavy.The successful conclusion of the reconciliation process could possibly unleash the political potential of not only the Kurds, but the whole region. One would think that the Kurdish politicians would be the first to acknowledge the value of the reconciliation process - which stands for the victory of integration, disarmament and fraternity over disintegration, bloodshed and conflict. Provided that its meaning will be adequately appreciated, the process could trigger a series of events beyond the PKK's disarmaments. Indeed, it could serve as a constructive platform that presents a model to various actors. After all, Turkey's approach to the invasion of Iraq has established a blueprint for similar crises.The pre-2003 conference of the neighboring countries of Iraq as well as Turkey's support for the Iraqi National Movement ahead of the 2010 elections represented a coherent set of proposals. The Kurdish reconciliation process, which began in 2013, also stemmed from the same approach. Today, the decision will have direct influence on the costs of action. If Kurdish politicians so please, they can pursue the legacy of the so-called Rojava Revolution - whose geographical scope and target remains ambiguous. Alternatively, they can opt for a constructive brand of politics that seeks to end the region's century-old tragedy. The latter option would mean that they understand the reconciliation process as a positive political project to ensure order and fraternity instead of viewing it as a game of give-and-take amid a chaotic historical moment. That is so long as the Kurdish political movement can overcome their troubles with historical synchronicity and resist the urge to fly to foreign capitals whenever they face a crisis.