Biden and bad memories


Back in 1978, I was a young editor at Turkey's then top-selling newspaper, Hürriyet. Turkey was, in then Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit's words, destitute of "5 cents" and the future of the government was literally in the hands of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which on Aug. 26 sent a new delegation to see if Turkey was worthy of those 5 cents. Incidentally, the head of the delegation was a Turkish expat named Emine, who couldn’t speak Turkish but had the fate of all Turks between her two lips.

So, I put an eight-column headline on Hürriyet that day: "Yes" de Emine Hanım. (Say ‘Yes’ Ms. Emine). Headline writers usually do not use foreign words in their newspapers, but I thought that it succinctly put the awkwardness of the situation: the future wellbeing of the country was in the hands of a Turk who was taking a measure of her own country for a monetary gendarmerie of the international capitalistic network. I thought it was appropriate for the situation. Many people must have thought so because since then, many journalistic or academic accounts of that unfortunate era have referred to my headline.

Like the "Ghost of Christmas Past" the taste of that "Turkey past" still lingers in the mouth of the ordinary citizens as well as some of the elected politicians. But not all. Some politicians think that Turkey should never get back to those days when the governments and their policies were under the yoke of IMF. Even the contraction "IMF" sounds derogative and pejorative in Turkish political narrative. For a reason: Globalist-imperialistic capitalism had a vision for Turkey, mostly as an agricultural society, exporting only raw materials and buying all the industrial products it needs from outside.

Turkey was able to pay off all its direct and program loans on May 14, 2013, and thus broke the budgetary restraints and developmental program constraints on its economy. Since then, the globalist capitalistic dominion network is believed to wreak havoc on Turkey, to destabilize it domestically and internationally. The PKK terrorist organization, for instance, had come close to dissolving itself and disbanding its terror network. They had even called on their general assembly to declare disarming their members. But on May 14, 2013, and in the following days, all the winds had suddenly changed. PKK had just declared another terror campaign in Turkey. Young people and the Turkish equivalent of Hollywood noticed that 16 (no typo here: sixteen) individual trees in a central square in Istanbul were about to be cut. The mayor’s, the central government’s, even the president’s assurances that those trees were going to be replanted after the architectural designing of the square, could not prevent mass demonstrations that turned into major riots in the whole country for months, leaving eight people dead and 9,063 wounded. The business stopped in Istanbul; tourist arrangements were canceled and the total cost of destruction of private properties and government offices reached $200 billion. The CNN International had rented a flat looking on that central square a week ago. The BBC had signed agreements with satellite transmission trucks (Journalistic premonition?). The British and U.S. newspapers had even picked up a color for the revolution that was happening in Turkey, just like the Orange Revolution in Ukraine.

And this was not all: suddenly, another organization, believed to be a simple religious cult, declared war on the government under the pretext of new regulations regarding university preparation courses they had been operating. They yanked off their masks and using the fruits of their 40-year infiltration program into the government service, began producing phone-tapping records (mostly fabricated), raiding trucks bound for Syria and claiming that tons of weapons were being smuggled to the Syrian opposition.

Finally, the cult attempted its final act: a military coup. On July 15, 2016, the cult members within the military, following the traditional Turkish military intervention tactics, started to invade streets with army tanks, bombing city streets with fighter jets and tried to topple the government. But one thing they couldn’t foresee: Turkish people had been fed up with previous military coups and they stopped them by fighting with all their civilian means, including climbing up and occupying military tanks.

There are truckloads of evidence proving cult leader Fetullah Gülen’s involvement in that coup bid that left 251 dead and 2,194 wounded. Did the Barack Obama administration extradite the leader of that cult to Turkey, as would be expected? No.

The person who presided over the emergency meeting in the White House Situation Room that day wrote an infamous statement about the coup. It was not only disappointing but also seemed to pave the way for future putschists, providing them with the hope that the U.S. could support you if the odds of your winning are high. Who was that person? Democratic presidential candidate, Joseph Biden.

Now the same Biden told the New York Times editorial board he would "embolden" Turkish opposition parties to defeat President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in elections. Twice he repeated, "not in a coup; in the elections."

He apparently knows that coups do not work in Turkey anymore. But he believes it is okay to manipulate political parties. On the condition that the manipulator is the U.S., if it is Russian President Vladimir Putin or anyone else doing it in the U.S. elections, it is not acceptable. As a matter of fact, the very same Obama administration illegally investigated the Trump campaign for any Russian involvement in the U.S. elections. Let’s imagine for a moment that Putin says he is going to "embolden" some House or Senate candidates in the forthcoming U.S. elections.

Uncle Joe is famously known for putting his foot in his mouth. But you have to give him credit for his loose lips, too. Apparently, they save ships, sometimes. Turkish people will see who will be emboldened by the American aid in the next elections.