Erdoğan’s Syria strategy and elimination of YPG terrorism
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, with Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan (2nd R) and National Intelligence Agency President Ibrahim Kalın (R), at a meeting with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (2nd L) during the Extraordinary Summit of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and the Arab League, Qatar, Sept. 15, 2025. (Courtesy of Directorate of Communications)

The Syrian army’s territorial gains over the SDF strengthen Syria’s security, advancing Türkiye’s terror-free initiative



The past few days witnessed some intense fighting between the Syrian army and the U.S.-backed SDF, beginning with areas occupied by the terrorist group in several neighborhoods of Aleppo and later moving to other areas. The clashes were the inevitable result of the SDF dragging its feet to abide by the March 10 deal, which sought for the group to integrate into the Syrian state, and violating the terms of the deal repeatedly. The clashes have so far led to rapid shifts in northeast Syria’s SDF-imposed status quo. Indeed, these swift changes will have implications for Syrians, the region, and also Türkiye in political, economic and security realms.

For the Syrians, seeking to rebuild the fragmented country after more than a decade of war, this shift is a significant step in reestablishing the state as a unified entity and authority. Since the beginning of the war, the YPG, which is the PKK terrorist group’s Syria affiliate and, in practical terms, another acronym for the SDF, had sought to establish what Ankara called a "terror corridor" in northeastern Syria. Moreover, the elimination of the YPG elements would not only serve to establish a more sustainable political transformation and reconstruction in Syria, but it would also eliminate a strategic fault line regarding Türkiye’s security concerns within and along its southern borders.

The YPG’s unwillingness to abide by the March 10 deal with the Syrian government was not only an obstacle to Syria’s internal stability. It also acted as a roadblock for Ankara’s "terror-free Türkiye" and terror-free region strategy. While the PKK had announced laying down arms and dissolution in Türkiye, the YPG disregards the calls from Turkish officials and the Syrian government to integrate into the new Syrian state. Turkish officials, led by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, have underlined that the terror-free Türkiye was not a mere domestic counterterrorism initiative. Rather, Erdoğan has insisted that this initiative is an attempt to reestablish brotherhood among the regions' peoples, including the Turks, Kurds and Arabs.

As such, the new clashes between the Syrian army and the SDF must be analyzed beyond mere territorial gain. Instead, their political implications for Syria’s internal political transformation and Türkiye’s regional stability strategy. In other words, the past decade of instability caused by proxies and terrorist elements will be replaced by reinstalled states’ authority over their legitimate jurisdictions. Syria’s internal stability is also directly linked with its international political legitimacy and its aims of creating a feasible economic environment.

Of course, the recent gains by the Syrian army against the SDF and the drafted deal do not mean all risks are eliminated for Syria’s stability. Indeed, this is an important turning point for Syrians and for the terror-free Turkiye initiative. However, the situation in the southern parts of the country regarding the Druze communities, instigated by Israel and Israel’s aim of fragmentation of Syria are not dead plans. As such, internal reconciliation and transformation politically can relatively minimize external existential threats. This rebuilding of reconciliation must be taken seriously as inclusivity, ethnic and religious sensitivities can lead to new unwanted internal dynamics when disregarded. These fault lines are at the core of regional actors who would seek to exploit internal tensions. So far, the Syrian authorities are displaying the delicate handling of the situation. However, security gains must be accompanied by the Syrian state embracing all segments and not repeating the mistakes of the Assad regime or the ideological terrorism of the YPG, which led to demographic changes in the region under their control.

Hence why, the deal signed by Syria’s President Ahmed al-Sharaa is of utmost importance that it included guarantees of rights for the Kurds in Syria, including recognition of their cultural and linguistic rights, a problem that remained as a remnant of the oppressive Assad regime and one that had to be addressed. This recognition is also a reflection of the approach that would ultimately produce inclusivity toward all ethnic and religious communities across the country. Following the events over the weekend, Türkiye once again voiced its support for the steps taken by the Ahmed al-Sharaa government.

For those trying to understand Türkiye’s role in Syria, it is also important to understand Erdoğan’s strategy in politics. A careful analysis of his political career, especially in international affairs, directly points to his political ingenuity that seeks long-term and sustainable results. In relation to Syria, he took political risks internally when Türkiye opened its doors to millions of Syrian refugees. This was a result of his humanitarian approach. Of course, he was also aware of security risks caused by the war along Türkiye’s borders and the presence of YPG constitutes a direct threat to Türkiye’s sovereignty. This awareness led to the elimination of terror threats beyond the southern borders, and Ankara launched cross-border operations into Syria.

At the time, Türkiye was not only confronted by YPG/PKK, but also by Daesh terrorists, the Assad regime, and also superpower competition in Syria, including the U.S. and Russia. Türkiye did not shy away from facing terror groups and proxies on the field while also ensuring it remained on the table diplomatically to protect its interests in Syria and in the region.

Put differently, Erdoğan’s well-calculated moves for Syria were multidimensional and long-term strategies that combined diplomacy, security, and also humanitarian aspects. In addition, Ankara’s Syria policies were not detached from strategies that seek stability in internal political dynamics and eliminate the risks of social fragmentation through PKK terrorism as a permanent security element. As such, Erdoğan’s multidimensional political strategy has tried to hit several birds at the same time.

Finally, it is important to mention that while the elimination of the PKK’s forceful monopoly over Kurdish political representation will encourage and pave the way for a more democratic environment both in Türkiye and in Syria, the elimination of terrorism will also create a better economic and trade environment in the region. The central authority over borders will ensure more effective and profitable bilateral trade relations that would serve the interests of the people in the region. Ultimately, the stability in Syria will bring further gains for the Turks, Kurds and Arabs in the wider region.