All nations go through difficult times. Following World War I, the Ottoman Empire lost the vast majority of its territory, retaining only the land that now forms Türkiye, with a population of just 13 million. After years of continuous warfare, the country had suffered devastating economic losses and a severe depletion of its educated workforce. Conditions had become so difficult that many villages and factories lacked enough workers, while the state itself struggled to find qualified administrators.

At the same time, however, it is also possible to speak of the emergence of a strong administrative class that had withdrawn to Türkiye from across the former Ottoman lands. Statespeople and officials from the Balkans, the Middle East, Africa and the Caucasus largely relocated within the new Turkish borders. They did so because, ultimately, this was their homeland.

By the 1990s, the Republic of Türkiye had made remarkable progress. The single-party era, the transition to multiparty democracy, the economic transformations of the 1970s, and late President Turgut Özal's opening of Türkiye to the world. Each stage represented an important milestone in the country's development. Above all, however, the state succeeded in protecting its stability and continuity – a far greater achievement than is often admitted.

It was always evident that a country with Türkiye's historical depth, strategic importance and civilizational mission would never be left entirely on its own.

Türkiye became a member of NATO and, in effect, one of the respected pillars of the Atlantic Alliance during the Cold War in its confrontation with the Warsaw Pact.

From the late Ottoman period through the Republican era, Türkiye consistently aligned itself with the West and maintained close cooperation with Western nations.

As a result, Türkiye's progress in virtually every field – from democracy and economic development to education and industrial production – has generally been measured against Western standards. This is not necessarily a negative approach. On the contrary, it has often served as a benchmark, encouraging the country to strive for higher standards.

However, following the military coup of Sept. 12, 1980, the terrorist organization PKK emerged in southeastern Türkiye. Despite periods of fluctuation, the group continued its terrorist campaign in the region for decades.

At various times, the PKK imposed an enormous cost on the country. Thousands of soldiers and civilians lost their lives, while the economic and social consequences proved equally devastating.

As a leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan gradually strengthened Türkiye's infrastructure and state capacity across virtually every sector – first as prime minister and later as president – transforming the country into a far stronger and more resilient state.

Over the past decade in particular, Türkiye has acquired the capacity to address many of its own strategic challenges independently. And Türkiye has increasingly focused on resolving them through its own means.

Terror-free Türkiye and region

The terror-free Türkiye initiative emerged at a particularly critical moment. Nearly one-third of Syria's territory was under the control of the PKK, albeit operating under different names. At the same time, Türkiye had launched a process aimed at ending the decades-long conflict with the PKK and eliminating terrorism within its own borders.

The PKK's decision to lay down its arms – with its imprisoned leader Abdullah Öcalan taking the lead in the process – also weakened the resolve of the PKK in Syria. It would have been difficult to justify disarming in Türkiye while continuing armed conflict across the border in Syria. As a result, with the support of the Syrian National Army and Türkiye's sophisticated military and political backing, the Syrian state moved significantly closer to restoring its territorial integrity.

During Iraq's years of internal instability, Iran established the Hashd al-Shaabi inside Iraq. Over time, these militias were formally incorporated into the Iraqi armed forces. On various occasions, they also cooperated with the PKK and coordinated their activities.

These developments in Syria also had important consequences once the Iran-Israel-U.S. conflict broke out. Under Israel's influence, the U.S. appeared prepared to draw PKK forces into the confrontation. However, following the weakening and military setbacks suffered by the PKK in Syria, it became clear that there was no longer a substantial force capable of fighting a new war "on behalf of the Kurds."

Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) leader Masoud Barzani's cautious approach also contributed to this outcome. Meanwhile, the PKK had already announced its decision to dissolve itself, further reducing the prospects of armed involvement.

There was, however, another crucial reason why the Kurds did not become involved in a war against Iran.

As a result, Iran possessed a network of forces capable of intercepting and neutralizing any hostile movement within Iraq long before it could reach Iranian territory. While Israel may not have known this strategic reality, both Iran and Iraq were fully aware of the military balance on the ground.

The central point is this: Through the terror-free Türkiye initiative, the Republic of Türkiye transformed what began as a domestic counterterrorism process into a broader regional stabilization strategy. Beyond counterterrorism, it helped strengthen Syria's territorial unity, reduce the risk of wider regional escalation, and keep the Kurdish people from becoming casualties of the Iran-Israel-U.S. conflict – a war that was never theirs to fight, but one driven by the strategic calculations of others.