The National Security Council (NSC) is back in the spotlight, but not with the notorious image it once retained. The council, whose members include the president, vice president, ministers of justice, national defense, interior, foreign affairs, the Chief of General Staff and commanders of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), recently launched a series of conferences.

The conferences aim to expand the outreach of the council from ministers and commanders to other top officials. The NSC says the conference will help deepen the knowledge of administrators from different disciplines and institutions on matters regarding national security, expand their viewpoints and boost cooperation between different public institutions.

Eray Güçlüer, a staff member at Istanbul Altınbaş University and president of Eurasian Strategic Research Center (ASAM), recounted how the NSC in the past was simply a "tool” to advance the agenda of certain circles instead of the country’s security.

"The National Security Council was one of the most powerful tools used during the Feb. 28 era to allegedly legitimize the mentality of the Feb. 28 tutelage,” Güçlüer told Daily Sabah. The so-called "postmodern” coup of 1997 in Türkiye is known as the Feb. 28 coup, as that was the day when the NSC held a lengthy meeting and ultimately decided to issue a veiled ultimatum to the government. Soon after the meeting, the government collapsed, in another blow to Turkish democracy which already suffered from coups and military memoranda since 1960.

"Because the National Security Council is related to state security, all decisions made there that ran counter to this country's values, beliefs and culture were framed as if they were decisions of the state, as if they were legitimate, and as if they were related to security. In doing so, a perception was created to use the NSC as a tool, a seemingly legitimate tool, at all times to establish and develop this process of tutelage in Türkiye,” Güçlüer said.

"In this manner, those with backward, obsolete mindsets and foreign-directed mentalities, who sought to generate leverage through tutelage, used the NSC as a springboard and a sphere of legitimacy for themselves,” he added.

Güçlüer stated that only after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan launched the processes to end the military tutelage in 2001, back when the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) came to power, did the council manage to transform itself. "Today, the NSC has attained a position that solely contemplates the nation's security, acts in harmony with the values of its society, and proceeds along a national line,” he said.

Recent council meetings demonstrate a focus on high-stakes, authentic national security priorities instead of, for instance, the threat of "reactionary forces,” an excuse used by plotters of the 1997 coup to clamp down on conservative citizens simply seeking to practice their faith while serving the public. In the realm of counterterrorism, the NSC has coordinated vital cross-border operations against the PKK, its Syrian wing YPG, the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) and Daesh. On regional geopolitics, the council formulated and/or reinforced the Blue Homeland maritime doctrine and managed critical energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean. Additionally, it tackles modern hybrid warfare by addressing state-level cyber threats, misinformation campaigns and intelligence coordination.

Mert H. Akgün, researcher in law and human rights at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), said a substantial number of challenges to modern democracies over the past century have stemmed from the efforts of military elites to intervene in civilian politics. "As part of this anti-democratic pursuit of power, military autonomy was carved out at the expense of elected governments in many countries. In Türkiye’s case, one of the most important pillars of that autonomy was the National Security Council,” he told Daily Sabah.

"The post-coup constitutions conceived of the NSC essentially as an instrument for overseeing the government. In line with this approach, the council functioned not as an advisory mechanism assisting the government on national security matters, but as a platform of military tutelage through which military elites held civilian politics to account and issued directives to elected governments under the rubric of "national security policy,” Akgün said.

"The 1961 Constitution, adopted in the aftermath of the May 27 military coup, elevated the NSC to constitutional status and increased the number of military members on the council. The 1982 Constitution, drafted by the perpetrators of the Sept. 12 coup (in 1980), went even further by giving the military a majority over civilian politicians within the council,” Akgün stated.

"It is telling that the council was referred to in certain periods as a 'shadow cabinet.' Time and again, the media and the public saw that real power rested with the military elite. Throughout the 1990s and into the early 2000s, the council operated as part of a military oversight structure that supervised democratically elected governments on a wide range of domestic and foreign policy issues from counterterrorism to the Cyprus question, from the European Union accession process to freedom of religion and worship,” Akgün also said.

The NSC’s transformation ran parallel with the resistance of the AK Party governments to a return to a past where elected leaders were forced to bow down to an all too powerful military that also enjoyed support from other organs of the state such as the judiciary, as well as the media. Since its first victory in the early 2000s, the AK Party governments have battled threats to shut down the party, a notorious e-memorandum issued by the Chief of General Staff, and most recently, a coup attempt by infiltrators of FETÖ in the army.

Akgün pointed out that many modern democracies have similar bodies established to assist the government on matters of national security. "In liberal democracies such as the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, France and the Netherlands, these councils are composed entirely of civilians. In the United States, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is not a member of the National Security Council but serves as its military adviser. In Spain, Greece and Italy, the chiefs of general staff are among the council members. It is also notable that the secretaries-general of national security councils are predominantly civilian bureaucrats,” Akgün said.

"While the principal function of these councils is defense policy, their agendas are not confined to purely military matters. In the U.S., the National Security Council’s agenda includes global climate change, international economic developments and pandemic threats. Likewise, in the U.K., the council’s remit covers issues such as development and energy security. The same holds true for Italy’s equivalent body, the Supreme Council of Defense,” Akgün said.

Akgün stated that the NSC was normalized through constitutional and legal reforms. "These reforms made clear that the council’s decisions were advisory in nature, opened the way for a civilian to be appointed as its secretary-general, and abolished the NSC’s authority over political matters and civilian institutions. Finally, the 2017 constitutional amendment removed the commander of the gendarmerie from the council. Through these steps, the NSC was transformed from a platform of military-civilian confrontation that repeatedly generated systemic problems into an institution focused on national and international security. Today, it is no longer a source of political crises but functions as a stabilizing mechanism in the face of multidimensional threats,” Akgün said.

Speaking at the inauguration of NSC conferences on June 9, President Erdoğan said the transformation of the NSC was one of the symbols of the "silent revolution in state administration.”

"I find it very valuable, not only for Turkish democracy but also for Türkiye’s national security, that our general secretariat has been freed from these tasks that distracted its attention and energy, allowing it to focus on its core duties. By making the best use of the advantages that (executive presidency system) has brought to our state administration and decision-making processes, we will, God willing, continue to add strength to Türkiye’s power,” Erdoğan said.