July 15: Turning point for Türkiye's stand for national will
People attempt to stop tanks commanded by putschists, Ankara, Türkiye, July 16, 2016. (AP Photo)

Türkiye remembers the martyrs of the 2016 coup attempt by FETÖ as the country marks the anniversary of the milestone for the resistance to safeguard the national will and the beginning of a change in the security doctrine



Ten years later, the memory of July 15, 2016 coup attempt by the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) is vivid in collective memory. The attempt remained so thanks to an unprecedented public resistance, largely due to a call to the nation by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

This year’s theme of the events marking the Day of Democracy and National Unity (declared such after the putsch bid was quashed) was "Will of The Nation, Victory of Democracy.” The motto is a reminder that the nation finally stepped up to the plate in the face of an illegal intervention in its will for democracy. For those familiar with the coup-filled history of the Republic of Türkiye, the resistance is unique, especially in its nature. Unarmed people took to the streets simply to confront soldiers loyal to FETÖ on July 15, 2016, with nothing to stop the putschists other than their bodies. It was a gambit, inspired by past victories of outnumbered armies and masses last seen during World War I's legendary Gallipoli campaign and the ensuing War of Independence. Ultimately, it paid off as the putschists, fearing that the attempt would fail without widespread public support, had to surrender.

Ali Fuat Gökçe, professor in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Gaziantep University, said Türkiye, in the past, faced coup attempts and coups as a country "unfortunately in the category of countries lacking a proper culture of democracy back then.” "Coups have been theft of the national will. The May 27, 1960 coup, military memorandum of March 12, 1971, postmodern coup of February 28, 1997, and the e-memorandum on April 27, 2007, stained the history of democracy in Türkiye,” Gökçe told Daily Sabah.

Gökçe said it was thought that Türkiye would have never seen a coup attempt after the 2007 e-memorandum, "given that the culture of democracy supposedly flourished and lessons were learned from the past, especially in an era where societies are more familiar with what’s happening elsewhere in the world thanks to developing technology and easier access to information, more aware of views (feeding the culture of democracy).”

"Unfortunately, we witnessed that those who blindly followed others resorted to violence to advance their greedy ambitions, to serve the interests of powers supporting them. This time, however, just as people thought that Turkish democracy would falter once again, something unprecedented happened, and the Turkish nation stood for who they elected to run the country, stood its ground for democracy and took to the streets. They set up barricades to save democracy and prevent a division of the country. They were willing to sacrifice their lives for their commitment to democracy. In this sense, July 15 is a turning point in the history of Turkish democracy,” he said.

Reforms after July 15

The coup attempt spelled a definitive end for FETÖ, which was already facing increasing legal scrutiny before July 15, 2016. Tens of thousands of members of the group, including those who managed to disguise their loyalty to FETÖ, were targeted in counterterrorism operations. Above all, the army was largely cleared of FETÖ loyalists in the immediate aftermath of the coup attempt. However, authorities warn that the danger is not completely over, as occasional operations across the country indicate that FETÖ members try to revive their secretive network while the group’s fugitive members abroad enjoy freedom thanks to countries refusing to extradite them despite Türkiye’s repeated requests.

In a bid to weed out FETÖ members infiltrating state institutions, Türkiye made landmark security reforms. Among them were greater civilian oversight over the armed forces. The Ministry of National Defense was given a larger role in overseeing the army rather than the Office of the Chief of the General Staff. Military high schools and academies, which FETÖ had infiltrated and eliminated cadets not loyal to its cause, were shut down and replaced with the National Defense University, which introduced a civilian authority over those schools. The Gendarmerie General Command and Coast Guard Command were transferred to the authority of the Interior Ministry.

Security after July 15

Türkiye also changed its security doctrine and played a more assertive role in eliminating threats to national security.

Sibel Düz, a senior researcher at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), said July 15 was not the sole factor for the transformation of Türkiye’s security doctrine, but it sped up the necessary security reforms and institutionalized them. "It was a time when the Syrian civil war escalated, the Daesh threat significantly impacted the region and the terrorist group PKK stepped up its terrorist activities after the end of the reconciliation process,” she recalled.

Düz told Daily Sabah that the most concrete change in Türkiye’s security paradigm was adapting a doctrine based on eliminating security threats at their source, "preventive intervention.” "Türkiye expanded its venue of counterterrorism operations abroad and launched a series of cross-border operations in Syria and Iraq to eliminate the terrorism threat at its source. The Euphrates Shield operation (in Syria), the Claw series of operations in Iraq, for instance, differed from previous ‘in and out’ cross-border operations due to their scope. It is safe to say that Türkiye projected power there by setting up permanent bases, deploying forces, and creating areas cleared of terrorism in terms of logistics. Establishing safe zones in Iraq where the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) exerted control through an inkspot strategy, zones serving as buffer areas near the Turkish border largely prevented infiltration (by terrorist groups into Türkiye).”

She stated that Türkiye’s technology focus in security also shifted in the post-July 15 period. "The momentum in the Turkish defense industry was swiftly translated into counterterrorism operations and the security sector. Unmanned systems, sensor and radar systems increased Türkiye’s situational awareness,” she asserted. Düz links these developments to the neutralization of FETÖ elements within the security bureaucracy/sector who exhibited resistance to technological transformation and created "artificial obstacles.”