Since the Qatar crisis arose, almost everyone has struggled to understand the main causes of the ongoing tension. We know well that Western powers are inclined to incite war in the region in pursuit of their own economic interests. The crisis will end only if the U.S. is able to take its "lion's share" in the Qatari capital.
In the present neo-colonial age, the greed of Western powers has targeted the accumulation of capital in the Middle East. Yet, we continue to discuss the social, political and geopolitical issues in the Middle East from the West's perspective. It is, therefore, necessary to re-examine those issues from the Iranian viewpoint.
In Iran, the reformers have come out triumphant in the latest elections. In fact, the political wing, representing the country's old regime, seems to be on the losing side. Their policies, which may appear successful in the foreign realm, have condemned the Iranian people to poverty. There is a clear struggle between the reformers, under the leadership of Hassan Rouhani who wants Iran's reintegration in the international community, and the traditionalists, who want the status quo to continue. And in that struggle, the reformists have at last won tremendous support from the Iranian society, so much so, some analysts even claimed that electoral support for them reached as high as 75 percent of the Iranian electorate.
A number of Iranian intellectuals have argued that while Tehran's expensive imperial designs continued in Syria, Yemen and Iraq, the Iranian people have been condemned to poverty and isolation.
Such practice has pushed the masses away from warlike Ali Hamaney and toward the reformers. In this respect, the Iranian reformist wing interprets the present tension between Iran and Saudi Arabia as a pretext that the traditional wing may manipulate to defeat their movement, by engaging Iran in a regional war.
In fact, Iran's traditionalists misread Barrack Obama's attempts to reintegrate the country into the world system as his nod toward Iran's imperial ambitions. The best example of this ferocious regional animosity, between Iran and Saudi Arabia, is the ongoing chaos and slaughter in Yemen.
Another aspect of the Iranian reformist perspective on foreign policy is Russia's huge political influence over Iran and its subsequent central role in the Syrian civil war. Invited by Iran to intervene in the Syrian crisis, Russia has begun to dominate the Syrian civil war and has overshadowed the regional interests, even those of Iran's.
The Iranian reformist intellectuals have adopted a curious perspective regarding Russia's involvements with the Middle East, particularly in Iran, which can only be compared to the political attitude of the U.S. toward the oil-rich countries of the Middle East. Analysts argue that in a prospective war between Iran and the Gulf countries, under the leadership of the Saudi Arabia, both super powers would serve as the main suppliers of arms.
Iran's recent expansionism in Iraq, Syria and Yemen has alarmed Saudi Arabia. Thus, U.S. President Donald Trump's foreign policy of repressing Iran has immediately been embraced by the Saudis, who have since assumed a more aggressive role. But, the unhealthy inclination of both Iran and Saudi Arabia to escalate animosity only whets the appetite of Russia and the U.S.
Meanwhile, amid the chaos and crisis, Turkey has adopted an independent foreign policy attitude. Turkey not only calls for moderation and dialogue between the conflicting parties but also shows solidarity with Qatar, which has been unfairly isolated in the Middle East.
We know that a war between the Muslim countries would only benefit the U.S. and Russia. One might have thought that the Syrian civil war must have come as a lesson for the Muslim countries, but they are still incapable of defending their own rights and the fraternity between Muslim countries.
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