In the past 12 years, Turkey has been on the path of ending military tutelage, giving the impression of "simplifying" everything. The democratization effort against the soldiers behind the military coups and the powers aligned behind it had the power to bring together people from all kinds of segments. The Sept. 12, 2010 plebiscite would end a 35-year-long bloody conflict with the Reconciliation Process that has the strength to change the core of Turkey. The first chapter was sealed under the function of the National Intelligence Organization (MİT).

The transfer of power of "sovereign usage," which military tutelage had usurped, to civil politics had led to the emergence of a prize war. It is apparent that all segments have a different understanding of "democratization."

It was not only the AK Party's 50 percent base that supported the Reconciliation Process, but around 70 percent of the general public. MİT had a crucial role in this process.

This is the sore spot that signified the arrival of a juncture.

The parallel structure, which was reactive towards the impalpability of MİT and against any approach towards the PKK other than "destruction," began using its decree with the mass arrests in the Kurdish Communities Union (KCK) case. Meanwhile, MİT undersecretary Hakan Fidan was the target of a critical operation. The targeting of people like Beşir Atalay and Yalçın Akdoğan was built on this base, much to the confusion of the public.

The breaking point, however, was the announcement of the Reconciliation Process in the beginning of 2013, which Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had prepared without including the parallel structure.

MİT was still not acquired and the Reconciliation Process was endorsed to the public under an un-ignorable "confidentiality."

The public statement was critical. This step would lead to the protection of the Reconciliation Process by the people as well as the indication of a nationalization of MİT on the same basis. A party with no bureaucratic control had no other choices but to go to the public. It would not be a conspiracy theory to say that the Reconciliation Process had much to do with the mishaps of 2013. Alliances shifted and the old totalitarian-secular elite magistracies of the old state aligned itself with the parallel structure. Although this alignment first emerged with the impression of "ousting Erdoğan," the true matter was the fact that the Reconciliation Process would change the country's paradigm. In fact, the Reconciliation Process also implied a deadly blow to the rooted tutelage through its negotiation methods.

These are the three main factors that scattered the coalition and sharpened the tutelage-national will division. However, this had to be marketed directly to the public.

The public was not what it used to be, and the last 10 years had been full of democratization reforms.

At this point, the clichés "lifestyles are endangered" and "we are dividing" were replaced by the new model of "what has the state given to the PKK." Simultaneously, the Kurdish social sphere was told, "Öcalan sold the movement to the state." Of course, the biggest tactic in doing this was the demonization of Erdoğan.

The Dec. 17 coup attempt was dashed towards a dangerous transparency. The game was now completely clear and included the shoddiness of an easily fooled public. It was apparent that the necessary preparations had been made in advance, ammunition had been gathered and "solid" alliances had been made. It was anticipated that the public would fall for a coup attempt under the pretext of "corruption."

Paradoxically, this crisis enforced a prioritizing of the establishment of a New Turkey and the completion of the Reconciliation Process.

People are for the first time witnessing a transparency that is normally only available during times of foundation.

We will see after March 30 to what extent the AK Party will optimize this luxury.

The West needs to read into the process carefully if they want to understand Turkey.