Following the July 15 military coup attempt, the state exercised its right to self-defense in accordance with the Constitution and international law and declared a state of emergency, much like some EU countries that played their emergency rule card after experiencing terrorist incidents, ones that cannot be compared to the Gülenist attack on Turkey.
Ankara has focused on fighting former imam Fethullah Gülen's illegal group as part of the state of emergency for two months and is cracking down on other terrorist groups. Among these are DAESH, the PKK and the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which threaten democracy and security and kill hundreds of civilians like the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ).
The security forces are beating DAESH and the PKK on the battlefield, and the judiciary is investigating individuals and institutions that have organic ties to these terrorist groups and that provide aid to them. As part of these investigations, Turkey has appointed trustees to some local administrations that provide logistical support to the PKK in attacks that kill civilians. In other words, the administration of these municipalities has been delegated to interim committees. Let us note that the outlawed PKK is defined as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and the EU.
Almost all of these municipalities were being administrated by the PKK's legal wing, the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP). The PKK and HDP bloc argue that these incidents are a coup against public sovereignty. However, the acts of these municipalities, which have been a subject of judicial processes over the past several months, foil their objections. Obviously, the electorate that voted for HDP-administrated municipalities must not have had the following expectations of their local administrators.
Hundreds of kilograms of explosive materials used in bomb making were found in a truck in Van on Aug. 23, 2015. The truck was rented by a Van municipality worker for municipal services.
The security forces searched a tractor belonging to Mardin's Dargeçit municipality on Jan. 4. They seized a large number of rocket launchers, machine guns and ammunition.
A bomb trap that was set by PKK militants on the road was noticed at the last moment and destroyed in Van on April 15. The HDP administration municipality had hidden the trap by placing parquets over the cables.
Nineteen mortal shells and a gun were seized during an investigation in Şırnak town hall on June 28.
PKK terrorists attacked a gendarmerie station with a bomb-laden vehicle in Mardin on July 10. The vehicle used in the attack, which claimed the lives of two soldiers, belonged to the HDP administration Mazıdağı Municipality.
These are just some of the examples. However, some politicians from the EU and the U.S. define the state's legal decision, which it made using the right to self-defense, as an intervention in politics.
One of them is Kati Piri, the European Parliament's rapporteur on Turkey and a member of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D). I would like to ask three questions to Piri and U.S. Ambassador to Turkey John Bass whose statements about the transfer of these municipalities mean an intervention in the judiciary of an independent state:
Are they aware of HDP-administrated municipalities' aforementioned acts that are subject to judicial processes?
How would they behave if a local administration provided logistical support to DAESH or al-Qaeda in their own countries?
Who do they call a terrorist if they name an institution, which helps the terrorist acts initiated against its own electorate, to be a local administration?