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A few days before the Manhattan attack

by Melih Altınok

Nov 16, 2017 - 12:00 am GMT+3
by Melih Altınok Nov 16, 2017 12:00 am

A senior authority, most favorably an administrator with political responsibility, must explain to the U.S. public and people aggrieved by Daesh what exactly happened in Raqqa

Daesh, now a terrorist group known around the world, is responsible for hundreds of civilian deaths in many countries, including Turkey.

Reminiscent of Hassan Sabbah's Hashshashin, it remains unknown what their militants will do next, as their actions cannot be tracked or prevented. At least, this is what we are told about Daesh.

Last month, a man drove onto a bicycle path in Manhattan, killing eight people and injuring 11 more. Daesh claimed responsibility for the attack.

All the world issued messages condemning the attack, while U.S. President Donald Trump tweeted: "We must not allow ISIS [Daesh] to return, or enter, our country after defeating them in the Middle East and elsewhere. Enough!" using another acronym for the group.

However, a number of documents and footage released by the BBC earlier this week cast a shadow upon this cliché remark about Daesh.

According to a report that had broad repercussions worldwide but somehow did not have much coverage in the U.S., the U.S. military made a secret agreement in Raqqa, Syria. Footage shows hundreds of Daesh militants leaving Raqqa with their weapons and families alongside them under the supervision of the U.S. military and militants from the Syrian PKK affiliate Democratic Union Party's (PYD) armed wing People's Protection Units (YPG). Moreover, it turned out that the U.S. paid the truck drivers who transported the militants. Speaking to the BBC, those who saw the incident and took part in the operation clearly bore witness to the U.S.'s role in this sordid agreement.

Answering questions on the subject, Col. Ryan Dillon, spokesman for the U.S.-led coalition against Daesh, could not refute the allegations. Dillon argued that the U.S. did not organize the operation, but only followed it. It remains ambiguous what Dillon means by follow.

Presumably, the U.S. president is supposed to say following the Manhattan atrocity that the assailant must be sent to the Guantanamo Bay detention camp and the green card system must be revised, while bringing forward the issue of capital punishment. But the commander of the task force ostensibly formed to eradicate Daesh in the Middle East argued that they arbitrated the relocation of militants in the region.

Dillon is probably not allowed to admit more. But a senior authority, most favorably an administrator with political responsibility, must explain to the U.S. public and people aggrieved by Daesh what exactly happened in Raqqa.

Which terrorist groups does the U.S. bargain with? How exactly does the U.S. military decide on which elements of Daesh must be hit? Do the promises given to the U.S. electorate, thanks to whose taxes the operation in the Middle East is launched, constitute a determinant on the subject? Or are U.S. forces only motivated by the future of relocation agreements made between terrorist groups such as Daesh and the PYD?

The people of the Middle East know the answers very well. Consequently, it is hardly possible to deceive them regarding the subject. No matter what is said, it will not be easy for Washington to convince the U.S. public of the claims of the anti-Daesh fight any longer. Washington, which often blames the administrations of other countries for abetting international terrorism, will be addressed with the same accusations now. We wonder how long Trump will continue taking on the political costs of the Pentagon's actions.

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