The increasingly tangible links between the PKK terrorist organization and Israel have become more visible. Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely, during a special session on Syria in the Israeli parliament in 2019, explicitly stated: "We are assisting the Kurds in areas where Türkiye is conducting operations in Syria in various ways. Israel is capable of helping the Kurds, and I am confident we will reap the benefits of this in the future." This statement clearly revealed Israel’s connection to the PKK and its Syrian wing YPG. Additionally, it was uncovered in recent months that Jewish units exist within the PKK, and Israeli currency was found during operations conducted by the Turkish National Intelligence Organization (MIT) against a PKK cell. However, these connections are not confined to the present day. It is well-known that the relationship between regional Kurds and Israel has historical roots.
Israel, aiming to secure its safety and expand its borders to achieve the "Greater Israel" vision, supports separatist and divisive groups in the region. This strategy enables Israel to align opposing forces and maintain control over regional balances. The primary supporter of this plan is, of course, the United States. The inclusion of Turkish territory within the areas described as "promised lands" fosters a climate of mistrust between Türkiye and Israel, even though their alignment as Western allies prevents direct and overt confrontation. Türkiye's stance on the Palestinian issue further exacerbates this mistrust.
Following the events of Oct. 7, Israel’s massacres in Palestine have escalated global opposition to Israel to unprecedented levels, making the country even more aggressive. This aggression manifests not only in direct interventions but also in bolstering separatist structures that align with Israeli interests. One of the most convenient tools for this is the PKK structure in Syria. Considering Türkiye’s firm stance on Gaza and the Palestinian issue more broadly, the PKK emerges as a strategic instrument for Israel. It is clear, however, that Israel is not genuinely concerned with aiding the Kurds – it is focused on establishing "Greater Israel." At this point, aligning with the PKK becomes a matter of convenience since the PKK’s true objective is not advocating for Kurdish interests, but facilitating the division of Türkiye and serving the agendas of its supporters.
The efforts of the U.S. and Israel to create a new order in the Middle East, particularly through Kurdish entities in the region, are not new. A notable example is the establishment of a no-fly zone in northern Iraq in 1991, effectively creating a de facto region for Iraqi Kurds. However, the internal discord among Iraqi Kurds and the migration of the Marxist-Leninist PKK terrorist organization to northern Iraq after the collapse of the Soviet Union, along with Türkiye's involvement in the region, prevented the desired structure from fully forming.
Later, in 1998, the Adana Agreement between Türkiye and Syria thwarted another attempt to use the PKK to establish a foothold in Syria. The capture of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan after the agreement marked the beginning of a decline for the group. However, the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 allowed the PKK to establish a safe haven in northern Iraq, operating freely within the borders of the officially declared Kurdistan Regional Government. Türkiye’s limited influence over the newly established structure in Iraq further facilitated the PKK's resurgence, leading to an increase in attacks against Türkiye.
The outbreak of uprisings in Syria in 2011 introduced a new phase in the Middle East. During this period, the PKK became a central actor in U.S. policy in Syria. The U.S. attempted to establish a new structure in Syria through wings linked to the PKK, which Israel supported. Israeli media outlets praised the role of the PKK/YPG in combating Daesh. While official support from Israel was never confirmed, the groups’ coordination with the U.S. and the West indirectly served Israeli interests. Several Israeli officials made statements supporting Kurdish autonomy efforts, although they did not formally recognize the PKK/YPG's claims of a autonomous administration in northern and eastern Syria.
In 2017, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed support for Iraqi Kurds’ independence efforts, a position that indirectly encouraged the PKK/YPG's regional aspirations. However, Türkiye's military operations in northern Syria and the control it established in these areas have thwarted separatist and partitionist scenarios in the region. Currently, Türkiye appears to be pursuing a counter-strategy, with initiatives like the Development Road Project involving Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) serving as evidence of these efforts. While Israel supports fragmentation in the region, Türkiye is promoting connectivity and integration. Cooperation among regional countries poses a challenge for Israel. Reports of Türkiye’s direct talks with Syrian regime leader Bashar Assad have reportedly displeased the U.S. and Israel.
That said, after the start of Donald Trump's second term in the U.S. presidency, Israel could adopt an even more aggressive and reckless stance in the region. Trump’s first term was marked by strong support for Israel and its cooperation with PKK-linked structures in Syria. If similar policies resume, an even closer relationship between Israel and the PKK structure is plausible. Given Türkiye's designation of Israel as a “terror state” for its actions in Gaza, open Israeli support for groups like the PKK could escalate. Israel's actions in Palestine, combined with its military operations, have isolated the country globally – except for U.S. backing. This isolation has increased the importance of local partners for Israel, especially as it claims to be fighting on seven fronts.
The PKK/YPG undermines the central authority of the Assad regime, preventing the re-establishment of a unified, Iran-backed Syrian state. The PKK/YPG's control over northern Syria disrupts Iran's efforts to establish a land corridor stretching from Tehran to the Mediterranean. Given Israel’s attempts to counter Iran’s presence in Syria, the PKK could emerge as a natural ally for Israel. It is well known that Israeli intelligence uses PKK-affiliated structures to monitor Iran and Hezbollah movements. This dynamic could lead to an organic relationship between Israel and the PKK in the near future.
Meanwhile, Türkiye’s firm stance against Israel’s actions in Palestine and its operations against the PKK/YPG strategically constrain Israel. This dynamic could bring Türkiye and Israel into more direct confrontation in the near future.
