The bureaucratic tutelage system is so strong in Turkey that even when you cross one, another one appears. Therefore, we are not only faced with military tutelage, but also a powerful bureaucratic tutelage that includes military tutelage as well.
After the military, the most apparent tutelage is high judicial tutelage. We had a higher judicial system, comprising the Constitutional Court and Court of Appeals, which acted as a legal adviser for the pre-coup mindset, which turned Turkey into a cemetery of political parties, answered all calls from the military and attended briefings and which locked the system with the grotesque Law No. 367.
The organizational structure of the state was no different. From the highest undersecretary to deed officers and from governors to sub-district governors, there is a different and rigid bureaucracy at every level. This tutelage creates more plans than it resolves. While military tutelage has recently been diminishing, bureaucratic tutelage remains almost unchanged.
As a result, even President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who was prime minister for 11 years and who has been the head of the state for over a year now, complains about the bureaucracy. We have been listening to the same complaints from the late Turgut Özal and Süleyman Demirel, who were both prime minister and president for many years.
This bureaucracy is not only an obstacle to economic development, it also prevents democracy from becoming corporate and from advancing since democracy means having accountable, transparent administration. However, this does not suit the bureaucracy as it does not share either power or information.
It even hides the actual data related to the country from the nation that pays its wages.
In reality, many countries around the world have to deal with such traditional bureaucracies, but the plague of bureaucracy Turkey has to put up with is different, as there is an ideological bureaucracy that seeps into even the tiniest capillaries and infiltrates all veins of state. This bureaucracy was caused by the Unionists-Kemalists, but today it is the result of the pro-Gülenist Crime Organization mindset.
The fury of the supporters of the pro-Gülenist bureaucratic structure does not subside.
They have a right to be furious since we touched on the part of the iceberg under the water. Despite the wide range of operations and raids conducted in Ankara and other visible locations and some Gülenists having been removed from certain influential positions, there is still a large amount of staff who support the Gülen Movement within various state institutions, from ministries to directorates and governor's offices to district governors, and they do not feel the need to disguise themselves.
A chief constable warned of this threat:
"While there were coups and setups conspired against politics and the military, what were the governors doing in the cities? What were the district governors doing in their own districts? Aren't they the sole ones responsible of their respective cities or towns? When Gülenists were plotting and conspiring, what were the reactions from these governors, district governors and their deputies? Is it only those who were arrested or charged or identified before the law who are responsible for what has been happening? Where are those governors and district governors? The state needs serious cleansing. And those representing the state should take the first step."