There are two objectives of the reconciliation process. The first one is to put an end to the PKK terrorism and violence that has gone on for over 30 years and claimed the lives of 30,000 people. The second one is about the governance of the state. We need to confront the factors that exacerbate this atmosphere of violence and eliminate them. We are also required to readjust relations between the state and citizens and develop a sense of selfcriticism by tackling our mistakes. It is essential to break down prejudices about cultural, religious and political rights, as well as construct a new Turkey through a fresh social contract.
A significant number of steps have been taken on the second objective of the process. The first and most important item is restoring the honor of the Kurdish language. Cultural rights have been improved. Nonsensical prohibitions have been removed. The social psychology has been prepared for the reconciliation with attentive action. Taboos have been broken and unspoken matters have been given a voice. At the same time, negotiations have been carried out with PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan on the prison island of Imrali. Through Imrali, the PKK was ordered to lay down arms. These negotiations are still being pursued periodically.
It is known that the process will be long running and that such a complicated question won't be solved overnight. This uncertainty about time may subject the process to various discussions. Since the Dec. 17 operation, Turkey has been debating the attempted intervention of jurisdiction in politics.
The reconciliation process continues to occupy the national agenda, second only to the forthcoming presidential elections.
However, Turkey does not have the opportunity to downgrade the reconciliation process further.
Recent developments in northern Syria, tension between the PKK, Syria's Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), as well as approaches from international actors have all affected the process in one form or another.
Turkey's internal dynamics also fall on that list of potential problems. Turkey is heading toward the presidential election in August. PKK terrorism has always been a handy instrument to design Turkish domestic politics and exercise control over governments. Those who want to distort election results also manipulate it. We can expect some similar attempts in the summer months as well. It is reflected in intelligence reports: as the process progresses, there is a possibility that some groups and regional or international actors are comfortable with sabotaging the process.
We have already seen evidence of sabotage attempts. Following the March 30 local elections, the PKK made illegal attempts to paralyze the resolution, to demonstrate its existence and its grassroots and to exercise control over the government. They kidnap children and raid worksites as well as burn construction vehicles.
As long as they do not overstep the line and shed blood, these relatively small-scale crises are controlled in one way or another.
Some media outlets that have a strong aversion to the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government exaggerate these large and small attacks and try to suppress the government through the reconciliation process. Media groups that are known for their affinity with the Gülen Movement mostly carry out this manipulation.
This Kurdish issue, which is of particular concern to Turkey's internal peace, has been turned into an instrument. The purpose is to emphasize that reappointments in the police department by the government constitute a problem for public order and reinforces the PKK. This tone of discourse does not bear fruit for anyone.
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