The current phase of French-Algerian relations is far from making tangible progress. While French President Emmanuel Macron has previously shown a political willingness to improve ties between the two nations, historical, geographical, cultural and demographic affinities alone are insufficient to overcome the challenges at hand. On one side, there is a persistent discourse rooted in a nostalgic denial of the past, with certain factions in France clinging to colonial-era narratives. On the other side, Macron’s "En même temps" governing approach, which seeks to balance conflicting interests both domestically and internationally, has often hindered decisive action. As a result, meaningful progress in these relations has proven elusive.
In 2000, late Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who was well-acquainted with France and its political landscape, addressed French lawmakers during a historic visit before the French National Assembly. A former chief diplomat of Algerian diplomacy during its glory years in the 1970s, Bouteflika understood that French President Jacques Chirac was expecting him to address two delicate issues between the two nations: the Harkis question and the Western Sahara dossier.
Six decades later, the Harkis question (native Muslim Algerians who served as auxiliaries alongside the French colonial Army during the Algerian War from 1954 to 1962 and were abandoned by France) is still among France’s domestic political imperatives. The Parisian anti-appeasement lobby – a powerful force among far-right politicians, the media and voters – often exploits the Harkis as a symbolic tool to justify their colonial nostalgia and the idea of a "French Algeria," shaping the narrative for their Algeria-bashing campaign. This stance is deeply ironic, given that the Harkis themselves suffered severe racism and marginalization under far-right and mainstream right-wing policies throughout the 1960s, 70s and 80s.
These far-right groups are generally aligned with the far-right parties National Rally (RN) and Reconquête!, the dissident fringe of the Republicans (LR), and the LR factions that Interior and Religious Affairs Minister Bruno Retailleau aims to win over in his attempt to become the natural candidate for the 2027 French presidential election.
As for the Western Sahara question, Algiers views it as one of the oldest conflicts on the African continent. (Western Sahara is a disputed territory, with Morocco claiming it as part of its sovereign territory, while the Sahrawi people, led by the Polisario Front, seek independence.) From an international legal perspective, it is a question of decolonization, and Algeria supports the right of self-determination of the Sahrawi people, in accordance with U.N. Security Council Resolution 384 of 1975. The United Nations has long called for a referendum to allow the Sahrawi people to decide their future, but this has not yet occurred.
The year 2024 marked the beginning of a complicated cycle that led to the recent diplomatic crisis between Paris and Algiers. In a letter addressed to King Mohammed VI of Morocco, President Emmanuel Macron stated that "the present and the future of Western Sahara (were) part of Moroccan sovereignty." Without explicitly recognizing Moroccan authority in the territory – which is 80% occupied by Morocco – the French president deemed the plan submitted by the kingdom to the U.N. in 2007, which affirms its Morocco's sovereignty over Western Sahara, as the "only basis for achieving a just, lasting and negotiated political solution in accordance with United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions." Meanwhile, the U.N. has been advocating for a self-determination referendum since 1975, enhanced by the UNSC in 1991 under U.N. Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) to enforce a cease-fire and organize a referendum. That cease-fire ended in 2020.
Until now, Paris had maintained a balanced policy on the Western Sahara dossier, despite its historical and ideological leaning toward Morocco. Algiers interpreted this diplomatic move as another layer of provocation, especially since the election of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune in 2019, who initiated a new phase in Algeria-France relations based on a neck-to-neck approach. This new Algerian foreign policy doctrine – multilateral and sovereign in its diplomatic behavior – is making the Parisian lobbyists nervous, as they are losing their influence and interests in Algeria, linguistically, intellectually and economically.
A strong political awareness has emerged in Algeria concerning France’s influence on the country’s politics over the past 30 years. Two generations of Algerians born after independence in 1962 now support their president’s assertive stance toward France and broader reforms, despite ongoing socioeconomic difficulties. While many young Algerians continue to seek better opportunities abroad, there has been a noticeable shift at home. Since the peaceful and diverse Hirak movement of 2019 – an uprising that brought an end to decades of political decay and economic stagnation – there has been increased public engagement in politics, with greater scrutiny of political openness, civil society freedoms and party activity.
What could be the future of the “neutral shift” in relations between Paris and Algiers? The Algerian community in France is gradually becoming a serious socioeconomic, cultural and scientific force, increasingly challenging the Algeria-bashing lobby in the media. Despite the socio-political, ethnic, and intellectual diversity within the Algerian diaspora, it should continue to play a crucial role in strengthening relations between the two nations. This is particularly true in the economic sector, where the diaspora can help open new avenues for trade and foster small business innovation, such as in technology services. In addition to traditional exchanges, like those in the gas and automobile sectors, which have long formed the backbone of economic relations between Algeria and France, the diaspora can contribute to diversifying and expanding these ties.
The ongoing toxic discourse in France surrounding migrants, political Islam and debates on integration and assimilation continues to hinder the progress of relations between the two nations. Nevertheless, Algeria is actively working to reframe its policy toward France, shifting toward a framework of equal cooperation. This evolving policy aims to foster economic development and enhance military and intelligence collaboration, particularly in areas of national security and shared strategic interests.
Both France and Algeria are deeply invested in national security, with France focusing on securing its interests beyond its borders, particularly in the African Sahel, where Algeria plays a significant role. Paris views Algiers as a reliable partner in combating transnational terrorism, human trafficking and migrant smuggling.
Algeria, as a regional power, seeks stability, security and development in the region. It has positioned itself as a credible mediator between local leaders and international actors, including European, Russian and American forces operating in the area. Despite the ongoing turmoil in the Sahel and France's diminishing influence, especially in military and linguistic terms, Algeria has continued to coordinate closely with French intelligence services.
Another important factor in French-Algerian relations, since the election of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune in 2019 and his reelection in 2024, is Algeria’s close relationship with Türkiye, which has emerged as a strong strategic partner. As a result, the warm ties between Algiers and Ankara have left the anti-Algerian lobby in Paris uneasy.
However, relations between Paris and Algiers are unlikely to improve before the pivotal 2027 French presidential election. The rise of far-right rhetoric, hate speech and Islamophobic discourse is expected to dominate the campaign, with issues of race, identity and immigration once again at the forefront of political debates.
In summary, Macron faces a new Algeria: one that is emerging as a stabilizing force in regional and sub-regional geopolitics, committed to security and development, and applying a multilateral, sovereign approach to diplomacy. In these extraordinary geopolitical times, visionary leadership will be required to navigate these challenges.
