In a historical moment of great instability and international uncertainty, the issue of security and defense has forcefully become dominant. The wider Mediterranean region is indeed experiencing deep issues along with the war fronts in the Black Sea between Russia and Ukraine, and the other in the Levant with Israel's aggression on Gaza and the related regional spillover effects. Added to these are the increasing tensions in the Middle East with the most recent attack on Iran and in North Africa with alarming pockets of violence in Libya. In the light of growing conventional and unconventional threats and along with U.S. President Donald Trump's new American foreign affairs approach, which is less inclined toward Europe and multilateral approaches, the debate on rearmament, defense and security of Europe and the West is heating up.
The NATO summit held in The Hague on June 24-25, 2025, marked a new course by setting a new benchmark for defense investment and underlining the importance of ramping up defense industrial production. The NATO allies, indeed, committed to investing 5% of GDP in defense, including 3.5% of GDP on core defense requirements and 1.5% on defense and security-related investments such as infrastructure and industry. The decision is considered historic as it sealed a major uplift from the previous benchmark of 2% of GDP. In this regard, the convergence of Italy and Türkiye’s stances both within NATO and the European framework, without mentioning the great synergy recorded bilaterally, could mark the difference, contributing to mutual further strengthening, to the security of partners and allies and to the guarantee of regional stability.
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni showed satisfaction by affirming that Italy will gradually meet the 5% increase target without reallocating funds from social priorities or invoking EU fiscal leeway immediately. On the other hand, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan backed the new goal, underlining that Türkiye has already surpassed the old 2% target due to the massive cutting-edge investments in multilayered air defense, missile systems, drones, frigates and land-air projects. Hence, Ankara is among NATO's top five contributors by military capability.
While unified on the 5% target, Italy and Türkiye are investing a lot in their role as security providers in the enlarged Mediterranean basin, a responsibility carved out of their geographical location, mutual historical relations and common belonging to NATO. Indeed, while Italy crafts a Southern Mediterranean security narrative through NATO-EU frameworks, the Turkish projection in the Black Sea and Middle East actively shapes cease-fire calls and defense posture. More recently, Ankara has arisen as a regional mediator and stabilizer, as it has been evident in the diplomatic efforts aimed at finding a solution to the ongoing conflict in the Black Sea, in the exchange of prisoners, in the creation of the grain corridor on one side, and in the continuous denunciation of the atrocities committed by Israel on the international tables, in the humanitarian support to Gaza, and in the attempts at mediating between the parties, including in the most recent escalation against Iran. Those efforts are not unnoticed, overall in a time when the substantial ineffectiveness of traditional multilateral tables has reached dramatic levels, along with diplomatic stasis in which Europe has been confined for too long.
Only in the past months has Europe been seriously discussing the need to strengthen its defense and security industries to ensure greater autonomy. Since 64% of European armaments are imported from the U.S., increasing efforts are invested in projects such as the European ReArm (ER), the European and Defense Industry Program (EDIP) and the European and Defense Industry Strategy (EDIS). Europe's ReArm program currently has a budget of $800 billion, of which $150 billion is to be allocated to the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) aimed at creating an aggregate demand in terms of defense and security, joint investments, and interoperability between member states, EU candidate states and third countries.
As a matter of fact, Rome and Ankara have already implemented important partnerships at a bilateral level with excellent results. They recently signed important agreements in terms of defense, leading to the creation of the joint venture between Leonardo and Baykar, as well as the acquisition by Baykar of Piaggio Aerospace, which perfectly entails the EU defense framework. At the Paris-Le Bourget International Air Show, Leonardo and Baykar Technologies announced the creation of a joint venture dedicated to the development of technologies for unmanned aircraft systems. The new company, called LBA Systems, which will be registered and will operate in Italy, sees Leonardo and Baykar as equal shareholders (50% each) with the intent of enhancing significant industrial synergies along with the design, development, production and support of unmanned aircraft systems (UAS).
“The integration of Leonardo’s experience in certification and integrated multi-domain technologies with Baykar’s unmanned platforms will provide a significant boost in seizing opportunities, both in Europe and globally,” Leonardo CEO Roberto Cingolani stated.
Selçuk Bayraktar, president and chief technology officer of Baykar Technologies, commented: “Our partnership with Leonardo – a company with world-class expertise in C4I systems and complementary capabilities in the aeronautics sector – is not just a collaboration, but a catalyst for what is to come. Together, we are building a new generation of unmanned, intelligent, mission-ready and interoperable systems.”
“In an increasingly complex world, this alliance will be able to deliver AI-enabled global security that is up to the challenges of the future. This collaboration reflects Baykar’s long-term strategy to deepen international cooperation and increase our role as a global innovator in high-impact autonomous technologies for defense,” he added.
In general terms, this synergy would act as a driving force for a greater defense and security integration of Italy and Türkiye, also within the EU defense framework. According to the SAFE guideline, in the joint procurement and production perspective, there would be room to extend Italy-Türkiye defense cooperation and thus contribute to European security. Certainly, by exploiting the already well-established synergies, Rome and Ankara can further develop their potential and role as bulwarks for European and Western security. As SAFE falls into the 5% expenditure foreseen by NATO, it would help member states and partners to reach the threshold and incentivize further cooperation.
There is no doubt that NATO and Europe are shifting toward a more assertive stance, moving from deterrence toward a more securitized approach, pivoting as well on industrial ramp-up. Italy and Türkiye will eventually play key roles by aligning industries and infrastructure, developing capability and enforcing their regional stability roles. However, all of this could call on Europe to improve the treatment of Türkiye, overall in the perspective of further developments in terms of common security and defense policies, which should not underestimate Ankara’s growing role at the bilateral, international and transnational level. The fact that in 2026, Türkiye will host the next NATO heads of state summit is not a coincidence, but a strong signal of Ankara’s growing influence and centrality in the Western security architecture and its future trajectory.
