The relations between Italy and Türkiye are further cementing. From merely a bilateral level defined by many complementarities, shared NATO membership and common interests in Mediterranean stability the ties have been elevated into something far more structural: a genuine defense industrial partnership, underpinned by high-level diplomacy, interlocking military visits and technology transfers that are already reshaping mutual air power, naval aviation and missile defense. One year after the 4th Italian-Turkish intergovernmental summit held in Rome, where important agreements were signed, the partnership has further strengthened and the rhythm of bilateral visits continued at all levels, including the military.
Recently, Italy’s Army Chief of Staff General Carmine Masiello made his own visit to Ankara for bilateral talks, signaling that the Rome-Ankara channel is firmly embedded in industry and in their operational and strategic thinking. Italy’s military-technical interest in Turkish capabilities indeed is not something; however, the convergences are now gaining momentum. The ambitions are very vivid and interesting developments are recorded in different sectors.
Among the others, the focus is currently on the Italian Navy's carrier aviation. In March 2026, the Italian Navy chief of staff, Vice Adm. Giuseppe Berutti Bergotto, confirmed in his statement in Parliament that the Baykar TB3 unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV) could be integrated aboard the aircraft carrier ITS Cavour by enabling both surveillance missions and the possibility of carrying armament. On the other side, Baykar CEO Haluk Bayraktar affirmed that a formal Italian acquisition is projected for the third quarter of 2026 and that this move would make Italy the first European operator of the carrier-capable TB3.
As a matter of fact, the operational proof of this concept had arrived during NATO's Steadfast Dart 2026 exercise in the Baltic Sea in February 2026, when, for the first time in European history, the TB3 operating from Türkiye's TCG Anadolu took off from an aircraft carrier, conducted a strike mission and returned to the ship.
As the Italy-Türkiye industrial framework is already functioning well overall, along with Leonardo-Baykar LBA Systems, from the Italian perspective, the integration of the TB3 program could enable national control over mission systems and NATO-oriented integration pathways. However, the emerging partnership in air and missile defense is also noteworthy. As recently reported, Türkiye had opened a new round of negotiations with Italy to acquire and co-produce the SAMP/T air and missile defense system, the Franco-Italian long-range interceptor produced by the Eurosam consortium.
Due to the regional and international conjuncture, the issue is quite urgent. Indeed, NATO forces had already intercepted four Iranian missiles launched toward Türkiye since the start of the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran, exposing some gaps in long-range air defense coverage on the alliance's southeastern flank. Furthermore, the SAMP/T may be perceived as a central pillar of Türkiye's "Steel Dome" layered missile shield.
Critically, France has historically blocked progress over some political stances and objections, while Italy has maintained genuine support for the trilateral cooperation and it does not object to the joint co-production. Given the longstanding bilateral strategic complementarities, Rome’s consistent support for Ankara as a key actor in the Eurosam framework has helped make Italy Türkiye's most reliable European interlocutor in the air defense industry, carrying real strategic weight within NATO.
In a wider perspective, Italy and Türkiye are mutually reinforcing investment across multiple platforms. Together with Spain, Rome and Ankara are collaborating on T625 Gökbey helicopter manufacturing through partnerships involving the Turkish companies Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI), TUSAŞ Engine Industries (TEI) and Aselsan, along with Spanish CESA and Italian Avio Aero. On the other hand, Türkiye is engaged in negotiations to purchase 40 Eurofighter Typhoon jets, which is a consortium including Italy's Leonardo.
Those moves are of great significance as they would embed Ankara more deeply into Europe's collective defense architecture. Likely, in a highly fragmented international system, bilateral deals underpin the multilateral decision-making as they are faster and more flexible in pragmatically sealing partnerships and affinities, overall regarding middle powers. In this way, also from the EU common defense perspective, by engaging directly, Italy and Türkiye can overcome the stalemate related to EU bureaucracy. Pivoting on the same values, approaches and perceptions, Rome and Ankara share the same expectations for the next NATO summit to be held on July 7 and 8 in Ankara.
It will be the first time Türkiye hosts allied leaders since the 2004 Istanbul summit, and it comes at a moment of profound stress for the alliance due to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war and escalating tensions in the Middle East, along with a dramatic shift in U.S. policy that is straining trans-Atlantic cohesion and defense commitments. For Türkiye, as NATO's second-largest army, a key actor in the defense of the alliance’s southern flank with an innovative military industry, hosting this summit is indeed more than a statement. Despite the challenges, for Italy, the Ankara summit offers a moment to consolidate its role as Türkiye's closest European defense partner with whom it shares the same responsibility in terms of regional security guarantor. At any level and in any strategic area, Rome and Ankara are working out the architecture of the alliance's southeastern shield. Thus, the Rome-Ankara axis is now more important than ever and beyond any aspiration, it has become an operational reality.
