Not so long ago, the United States was regarded as the most dominant power in the international arena. While today, as we enter 2026, it is safe to say that not only has the unipolar era come to a crashing end, but also a new status quo where the U.S. is no longer the sole superpower and in a less influential position than it was during the Cold War might now be the case.
Perhaps the most dramatic evidence of the U.S.' fading dominance is its current position in the Western Hemisphere, notably in Latin America, especially when compared to the absolute behemoth it was during the Cold War era. Throughout the Cold War, except Cuba, Nicaragua and briefly Grenada and Chile, all countries in the Western Hemisphere remained firmly on the U.S.’ side, and those who decided to divert, such as Chile under former President Salvador Allende, were crushed mercilessly through direct military and covert clandestine operations. The U.S. effectively operated an empire spanning the Americas, if not the world, held together by military bases and intelligence networks, supported by anti-communist allies, client and puppet regimes willing to host them.
Compare that to the present-day situation in the Western Hemisphere, where, thanks to the extremely antagonistic attitude of the second Trump administration, except for a handful of countries such as Argentina, Paraguay and El Salvador, the U.S. enjoys almost no positive correspondence with any country in the region. This is despite the recent claims made by the White House regarding a pivot to the Western Hemisphere, dubbed by some as the “Donroe Doctrine.” Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and most notably Venezuela are now governed by leaders who desire a multilateral international system and reject being treated as America's backyard; in response, they have faced varying American repercussions, ranging from rude remarks to explicit threats of regime change.
While on paper, thanks to the fact that the U.S. has more formal NATO and non-NATO allies than ever before, one may erroneously come to the conclusion that the U.S. indeed wields greater global influence than ever before, particularly in Latin America. Indeed, this was the case perhaps as recently as a decade ago, when being allied to the U.S. carried credence, and the American government only had vocal sparring matches with a handful of rogue states, typically the countries once dubbed as “the axis of evil,” before China and Russia were considered proper adversaries by the American government. Meanwhile, in the present, for comparison, President Donald Trump has repeatedly and explicitly threatened to bomb Colombia, a major non-NATO ally of the U.S. on paper, and has even personally threatened its president, Gustavo Petro, on several occasions over allegations of narcoterrorism.
Of course, Colombia is hardly the only country in the Americas that has faced Trump’s wrath despite being an American ally and a partner in a region that was once described as “America’s backyard.” Perhaps the most striking example lies in Trump's treatment of Canada. The very concept of a sitting American president threatening America's most amicable and closest ally with outright annexation would have been considered at best a lame joke only a couple of years ago. However, that is what has happened since Trump returned to the White House. So far, aside from receiving some marginal leverage in bilateral tariff negotiations, it has yielded nothing beneficial for either side and seriously damaged the bilateral ties between the U.S. and Canada that have been considered positive long before Canadian independence.
Aside from the Canadian example, his recent explicit interference in the Honduran presidential elections in favor of his preferred candidate, Nasry Asfura; his open criticism of the Brazilian government and judicial system regarding the persecution of his ally, former President Jair Bolsonaro; and the recent naval buildup in the Caribbean against Venezuela have demonstrated that Trump exhibits very little interest in respecting the current political regimes of these countries and is willing to go to extreme measures to install his preferred politicians into power, in a way so explicit that it would have been inconceivable even during the height of the Cold War. Naturally, this level of plain interventionism has already backfired in some countries, such as in Mexico, where President Claudia Sheinbaum enjoys record-high approval ratings partially thanks to a rally-around-the-flag effect caused by Trump’s verbal attacks, or similarly in the aforementioned case of Canada, where Prime Minister Mark Carney won the general election with ease thanks to Trump’s dramatic threats of annexation and tariffs.
Nevertheless, despite his numerous shortcomings, one cannot solely blame Trump for the declining influence of the U.S. across the globe. For example, the Biden administration's failure to deter Latin American countries from deepening their relations with China and Russia, even after the invasion of Ukraine, demonstrated that non-confrontational American administrations will no longer enjoy the hegemonic influence the U.S. once had over its “backyard,” as it now truly lacks the permanent soft power advantage it could utilize without restraints.
As the American naval buildup and strikes on alleged cartel boats continue and threats continue to fly, even at countries formally aligned with the U.S., it is unclear if Trump’s highly chaotic rhetoric towards the Western Hemisphere will pay off. But interestingly enough, the ultimate objective of the Trump administration for Latin America may resemble something close to the American stance during the Cold War, when the U.S. hegemony predominantly depended on the support of anticommunist military juntas and illiberal democracies dominated by right-wing parties across Latin America.
The recent victory of the pro-Trump right-wing candidate Jose Antonio Kast in the Chilean presidential election, alongside other incumbent pro-Trump leaders such as Argentinian President Javier Milei, Paraguayan President Santiago Pena and El Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele, could form the foundations of Trump’s rightist coalition that would span the Americas. However, given the highly controversial nature of Trump’s diplomacy and the challenges that incumbent leaders face in getting reelected in Latin America, it is difficult to predict whether Trump will succeed or if his actions will lead to greater U.S. isolation in the Americas than ever before, especially as we are already witnessing setbacks in key Latin American countries like Mexico and Brazil; furthermore, Trump’s self-admitted upcoming adventure for regime change in Venezuela and its success or failure will inevitably significantly influence the trajectory of this ambition.
