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Story of Russian ruble: Fueled from abroad, drained from within

by Makbule Yalın

Jun 03, 2026 - 12:47 pm GMT+3
"The channeling of oil revenues into military expenditures rather than civilian investments has led to a structural bottleneck in the Russian economy." (Shutterstock Photo)
"The channeling of oil revenues into military expenditures rather than civilian investments has led to a structural bottleneck in the Russian economy." (Shutterstock Photo)
by Makbule Yalın Jun 03, 2026 12:47 pm

Russia's strong ruble masks deeper cracks of war costs, refinery strikes and shrinking growth

These days, the eyes of the global financial world are fixed on St. Petersburg. The investment forum, dubbed the "Russian Davos" by Western media, has opened its doors in an extraordinary atmosphere. On display, defying Western sanctions, are popular figures of the American right like Candace Owens and Andrew Tate, alongside European billionaires such as Germany's Thomas Bruch. Through this lineup, the Kremlin sells the illusion that it remains a center of attraction for the global economy.

Yet, behind this glamorous runway, two staggering pieces of data expose the real economy behind the headlines: on the one hand, a surging Russian ruble in the wake of the Middle East shock, and on the other, oil refineries struck by Ukrainian drone strikes.

The fundamental textbook rule of economic science, Ceteris Paribus, meaning "all other things remaining constant," shatters in this savage arena of geopolitics. Because in the real world, no variable is static. While Russia survives the day under the illusion of a short-term price victory handed by a conflict entirely outside its control, which is the U.S.-Iran conflict, it is watching its own economic pool drain due to locked production volumes and draining budgetary costs in the long run.

The upper tap: Toxic price gift

According to economic theory, markets react to shocks primarily through the price mechanism in the short run. Russian Urals crude, which hovered around $44 per barrel in February, abruptly shot up to $94 in April following the escalation of the U.S.-Iran war and the subsequent restrictions on the Strait of Hormuz. This geopolitical process, developed without any direct intervention from Russia, generated a distinct external effect on the country's economy.

The revenues brought by this external shock filtered into the market with a time lag of approximately one and a half months. The rise in foreign exchange inflows driven by skyrocketing oil prices supported the rouble against the dollar. The dollar-rouble exchange rate, which stood above 86 in March, retreated to the 71 levels as of June. Thanks to these external oil revenues, the Kremlin secured the immediate cash flow required to finance its military operations in Ukraine.

However, the short-term price movements yield entirely different structural impacts in the long run. The first contradiction emerges within the very design of the Russian budget. The Russian Ministry of Finance had mapped out its budget based on a higher exchange rate and a baseline oil cutoff price of $59 per barrel. The artificial overvaluation of the rouble due to the external shock reduced the treasury's budget revenues in domestic currency terms. Because of the strong rouble, the Russian budget suffers a monthly revenue loss of approximately 100 billion to 150 billion roubles. While this situation creates an advantage for importers and companies with foreign currency expenditures, it forces major exporters to scale back their investment programs.

The first leak: War financing

Oleg Vyugin, the former Deputy Chairman of the Central Bank of Russia, places this deadlock over the allocation of budgetary resources into a clear economic framework. According to Vyugin, Russia is forced to choose between a recession and a reduction in military expenditures. Sustaining military financing at its current level brings along constantly increasing public spending, tax hikes, the sliding of the economy into recession, and a decline in real incomes.

The channeling of oil revenues into military expenditures rather than civilian investments has led to a structural bottleneck in the Russian economy. The high policy rate maintained by the Central Bank to suppress inflation severely restricts credit and investment in the civilian sector.

This structural drag is directly reflected in economic growth figures: the Russian economy, after a 4.9% growth in 2024, sharply slowed down to 1% last year. In the first quarter of 2026, the economy contracted by 0.2%. When high interest rates, Western sanctions, and the budgetary pressure of a strong rouble converge, the growth forecast for this year is confined to a dismal 0.4%.

The bright era of Vladimir Putin’s first 15 years, which saw the economy expand tenfold to reach $2.3 trillion, is long gone. Although the Russian economy stands at roughly $2.9 trillion today, according to Russian state data, this volume represents a highly restricted ratio against the combined $45 trillion economic might of the NATO alliance. The deceleration of inflation to 5.7% in April due to cheap imports and the sudden rush of Russian tourists toward holiday packages in Türkiye do not alter the underlying structural stagnation. In other words, these temporary reliefs are merely cosmetic make-up concealing a deep structural decay.

The second leak: Constraints

In the long run, economic sustainability depends on quantity and capacity dynamics rather than mere price movements. Ukraine's military strategy focuses not on halting Russia's raw crude production, but on crippling the refineries that process this crude into high-value products like gasoline, diesel and jet fuel. Following recent drone strikes, virtually all major oil refineries in central Russia have been forced to halt or scale back fuel output.

This has hit the Russian economy with a rigid quantity constraint. To protect the domestic fuel balance, the Kremlin banned jet fuel exports and is planning restrictions on gasoline and diesel exports. Unable to be processed at home, unrefined crude oil was urgently redirected to western ports such as Primorsk, Ust-Luga and Novorossiysk. Consequently, crude oil exports via these western ports rose by 15% in May, reaching 2.5 million barrels per day, the largest volume exported since September 2025, when processing was similarly disrupted by refinery strikes.

The primary economic bottleneck here is that Russia's western ports possess limited logistics and export capacity. No matter how high global oil prices rise due to the Iran crisis, Russia cannot physically export more volume because of domestic refinery damage and absolute limits at its ports. Since quantity elasticity is locked, the financial advantage brought by the price surge remains capped. Furthermore, ongoing operational risks targeting pipelines and the port of Novorossiysk keep these limited exit gates under constant vulnerability.

Stagnation of new Cold War

Ultimately, the short-term movements of the rouble in the foreign exchange market are insufficient to mask the structural realities of the Russian economy. Russia is experiencing the evolution of the global system into a "new Cold War" mechanism. This process is not a hot global conflict, but rather a war of attrition where peace is constantly deferred and geopolitical deadlock becomes chronic.

Every month that passes without a resolution does not merely clip the frontlines; it erodes global economic balances. Russia operates on the assumption that it is successfully financing its budget and its war through an external price spike handed to it by the Iran tension. However, long-term quantity constraints, crippled refineries, and the soaring budgetary costs highlighted by Oleg Vyugin are widening the leak at the bottom of the economic pool. In this new Cold War climate, where peace is deferred, time is running against Russia, whose long-term capacity remains locked despite its short-term price illusion.

About the author
Ph.D. holder in political economics, Turkish Parliament adviser and part-time lecturer in the Department of Economics at TOBB University of Economics and Technology, Ankara
The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the editorial stance, values or position of Daily Sabah. The newspaper provides space for diverse perspectives as part of its commitment to open and informed public discussion.
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