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Washington NSS: Retreating to Americas and trashing Europe

by Murat Yülek

Dec 19, 2025 - 12:05 am GMT+3
The World's Constable, Puck Magazine cartoon shows President Theodore Roosevelt as a constable standing between Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa with a big stick labeled "The New Diplomacy," Jan. 14, 1905. (Shutterstock Photo)
The World's Constable, Puck Magazine cartoon shows President Theodore Roosevelt as a constable standing between Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa with a big stick labeled "The New Diplomacy," Jan. 14, 1905. (Shutterstock Photo)
by Murat Yülek Dec 19, 2025 12:05 am

Trump’s 2025 NSS narrows the U.S.' global role and presses allies to adapt to an America-first order

The Trump administration has released its 2025 National Security Strategy (NSS), a document notable not only for its timing but also for its unusually blunt tone. In broad strokes, the strategy represents a decisive break from decades of U.S. global engagement. It advances an America-first vision anchored in “peace through strength,” blending economic nationalism, strict border policy and intensified competition with China and other major rivals. At the same time, it signals a pullback from the U.S.’ long-standing role as the principal guarantor of global order.

Among the most striking features is an updated take on the Monroe Doctrine. The NSS outlines a Western Hemisphere-first approach aimed at curbing foreign military, technological and economic influence, particularly from China and Russia, across Latin America and the Caribbean.

The administration says it will rebalance U.S. military deployments across the Americas and expand border and immigration enforcement. Economic security, it argues, is national security. In this spirit, the strategy reiterates calls for “fair trade,” the reshoring of manufacturing and protection of critical supply chains, a message that coincided with Europe’s newly announced local-content rules for electric vehicles just one day earlier.

Another unusual element is the way the NSS weaves domestic cultural and religious themes into foreign policy. Traditional family structures, national identity and social cohesion are described as “strategic assets,” a framing not typically found in U.S. national security doctrine.

The document bears President Trump’s unmistakable imprint, featuring transactional diplomacy and a clear retreat from America’s previous commitments to Europe and broader international security obligations. From a narrow economic standpoint, the critique is familiar: Since World War II, European nations have benefited from a “peace dividend,” funneling resources into social and physical infrastructure while relying heavily on U.S. taxpayers for defense. Trump, drawing on his background in business, has long argued that this arrangement is unfair.

While the NSS stops short of threatening a U.S. exit from NATO, its tone puts visible distance between Washington and its allies. It urges Europe to lessen its dependence on American security guarantees and move toward a negotiated end to the war in Ukraine.

European governments reacted swiftly. Many were startled by the NSS’s severe language, which describes parts of Europe as facing “civilizational decline” driven by migration, shrinking birth rates and restrictions on speech. The document calls for stronger borders, the revival of national identity and a shift of authority away from supranational institutions – rhetoric that mirrors themes promoted by Europe’s populist and far-right movements.

European leaders warned that Washington appears to be stepping back from the trans-Atlantic unity that has been crucial since the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

In contrast to the sharp tone directed at Europe, the section on China is strikingly measured. Beijing is described as America’s “long-term strategic competitor,” but the NSS frames this rivalry primarily in economic and technological terms rather than ideological ones.

The U.S. commits to defending freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, supporting deterrence in the Taiwan Strait, and deepening cooperation with regional partners, including Japan, Australia, India and South Korea. Yet it avoids the more aggressive rhetoric of past administrations, signaling a preference for calibrated competition over open confrontation.

Trade balances, critical minerals, supply-chain security and technology protection feature prominently in the U.S. approach to China, reflecting a more pragmatic posture.

The strategy outlines a more restrained Middle East policy, reflecting a broader retreat from decades of heavy American military engagement. Priority is placed on partnerships with major regional actors, especially in the Gulf, while direct U.S. military involvement and democracy-promotion efforts are scaled back.

In Africa, Southeast Asia and the wider Global South, Washington plans to emphasize economic and strategic interests rather than humanitarian or ideological missions. These regions are cast as arenas of geopolitical competition where the U.S. must secure supply chains, critical resources and infrastructure partnerships to counter China’s rising influence.

This marks a significant departure from earlier U.S. strategies that stressed aid, institution-building and governance reforms.

Taken together, the 2025 NSS signals a fundamental narrowing of America’s foreign-policy lens. It calls for reduced commitments abroad, heightened influence within the Western Hemisphere, and greater responsibility from allies, especially in Europe. At the same time, it adopts a pragmatic, transactional approach to major rivals like China.

The overarching vision is one of American power centered on sovereignty, borders and economic competitiveness, rather than universalist ideals or global stewardship.

If one theme runs through the strategy, it is this: the U.S. is reshaping its role on the world stage and expects the rest of the world to adapt accordingly.

About the author
Author, former IMF economist, and academic with teaching experience at Georgetown and Columbia Universities
The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the editorial stance, values or position of Daily Sabah. The newspaper provides space for diverse perspectives as part of its commitment to open and informed public discussion.
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