Following the recent conflict between India and Pakistan, several countries reaffirmed their support for Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Among them, China, Türkiye and Azerbaijan demonstrated clear and unequivocal backing. This support, however, was met with hostility and suspicion by segments of the Indian media and political elite. The Indian press, often criticized as "Godi Media" due to its perceived deference to the Modi government, responded with hyperbole, particularly targeting the long-standing relationship between Pakistan and Türkiye.
One notable example is Geeta Mohan, executive editor at India Today, who attempted to frame the Pakistan-Türkiye alliance as a form of ideological revivalism. According to her view, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s supposed dream of reviving the Ottoman Empire, coupled with Pakistan’s alleged Mughal nostalgia, defines the bilateral relationship. This interpretation not only distorts historical realities but also reinforces a reductionist view of modern diplomacy.
In reality, the Pakistan-Türkiye partnership is rooted in decades of diplomatic engagement, mutual defense cooperation and shared strategic interests. The relationship dates back to the early years of Pakistan’s independence, with the Treaty of Friendship signed in 1954, laying the foundation for enduring cooperation. Since then, the alliance has expanded across multiple sectors, including military collaboration, intelligence-sharing and trade.
In recent years, defense ties have deepened considerably. Under a $1.5 billion deal signed in 2018, Türkiye agreed to provide Pakistan with MILGEM-class corvettes co-produced with Pakistan’s Karachi Shipyard. Additionally, Pakistan has assisted in modernizing Türkiye’s T-37 trainer aircraft and engaged in joint ventures in UAV development. Both nations also participate in regular military exercises, such as “Ataturk XI,” enhancing interoperability in counterterrorism and maritime security operations.
Both countries have also been victims of terrorism and share a strategic interest in combating extremism. This common objective has fostered intelligence cooperation, illustrated by the joint operation that led to the arrest of Özgür Altun (also known as Abu Yasir Al-Turki), a senior Daesh operative, from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. This success underscores their commitment to regional stability and the effectiveness of collaborative counterterrorism efforts.
Unfortunately, India’s contemporary geopolitical discourse is increasingly shaped by paranoia rather than strategy, marked by what can be described as China phobia, Türkiye phobia, Iran phobia and Pakistan phobia. Any country aligned, even loosely, with Pakistan is often portrayed as a threat. This mindset distorts strategic assessment and undermines India’s ability to engage in meaningful diplomacy.
Moreover, sections of the Indian media, including prominent figures like Geeta Mohan, have become platforms for xenophobic and Islamophobic narratives. Such rhetoric, when exported through the Indian diaspora, risks deepening social divides and damaging multicultural harmony in other countries. The global projection of such phobia-based hostility undermines intercultural dialogue and cooperative peace-building.
India’s media and foreign policy elite must rise above these narrow lenses and adopt a more nuanced understanding of regional geopolitics. The Türkiye-Pakistan relationship is not a byproduct of religious nostalgia but is based on shared security concerns, economic interests and longstanding diplomatic ties. Oversimplifying this relationship into a religious or ideological revivalism narrative is intellectually lazy and strategically harmful.
It is equally important to recognize Pakistan’s constructive role in the region. Far from being a destabilizing force, Pakistan has repeatedly supported peace processes, bilaterally with India and multilaterally through international forums. It has consistently participated in U.N. peacekeeping missions, advocated for peaceful dispute resolution and welcomed dialogue with regional stakeholders.
While cultural and religious affinities between Türkiye and Pakistan are undeniable, the relationship today is fundamentally pragmatic. Türkiye has been a vocal supporter of the Kashmiri right to self-determination, consistently raising the issue at international forums. In turn, Pakistan has supported Türkiye’s positions on the island of Cyprus, the PKK issue and broader regional security concerns.
The recent conflict has highlighted the dangers of one-sided assumptions and inflammatory rhetoric. Media-driven jingoism and populist foreign policy only escalate tensions. If India is to secure lasting peace in South Asia, it must pursue diplomacy with sanity and restraint, not paranoia and populism.
Rather than fueling division, the focus should shift to dialogue, regional cooperation and mutual respect. Pakistan has always expressed willingness to engage in peace initiatives, provided they uphold its dignity and sovereignty. Long-term peace and development in the region depend on these values, not hyper-nationalism or imagined ideological threats.
In conclusion, the Pakistan-Türkiye relationship has evolved into a multifaceted and resilient partnership, anchored in cultural affinity, strategic considerations and shared historical ties. Reducing it to ideological nostalgia or Islamic revivalism is not only factually incorrect but dangerously misleading. A balanced and informed discourse is essential, not just for Pakistan and Türkiye, but for ensuring a stable and cooperative future for the entire region.
