Sarp Yalçınkaya, a businessman with close ties to municipal bureaucrats and individuals doing business with the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB), disclosed a corruption ring allegedly run by the city’s former mayor, Ekrem Imamoğlu. Yalçınkaya, who invoked a remorse law in exchange for collaborating with authorities, told investigators that the ring collected bribes in a “fund” and Imamoğlu received half of the cash in the fund.
Yalçınkaya stated that the cash collected in the fund was transferred to London aboard private jets and delivered to addresses provided by Imamoğlu, according to a report by the Sabah newspaper.
Imamoğlu and dozens of other suspects, including bureaucrats of IBB and businesspeople, were detained last March in a major graft probe. More operations followed and Yalçınkaya was arrested in the fourth wave of operations against the corruption network at the municipality. Following his arrest, Yalçınkaya said in his initial testimony that Imamoğlu created the fund to take over the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) first and then, for a presidential campaign. The CHP recently nominated Imamoğlu as its future presidential candidate as it pressed on for an early election. Yalçınkaya has claimed that he heard Imamoğlu saying they needed $2 billion (TL 81.34 billion) for the fund.
In his second statement to the investigators, Yalçınkaya explained how people doing business with IBB accumulated wealth thanks to the corruption ring. One of them is Murat Gülibrahimoğlu, a fugitive suspect in the case. Yalçınkaya said Gülibrahimoğlu was a bankrupt businessman when he first met him in 2018, and he became increasingly wealthy after Imamoğlu won his first term as Istanbul mayor in 2019. He said Gülibrahimoğlu was awarded all tenders for excavation works in the city by Imamoğlu and had close ties to Tuncay Yılmaz, manager of Imamoğlu’s construction company and Fatih Keleş, a top IBB bureaucrat. “They often met to discuss bribes they would receive from contractors in exchange for building permits and other permits issued by the municipality. At times, they would extort money by threatening businesspeople by scrapping their permits, though these people complied with all municipal regulations,” he said.
Yalçınkaya said Gülibrahimoğlu was at the heart of the corruption ring, and he rushed to transfer all the cash collected by the ring abroad when the suspects found out a corruption investigation was imminent. “Gülibrahimoğlu also traveled abroad with his private jet in 2022 with Tuncay Yılmaz and Hüseyin Köksal (who was awarded the advertising tender of IBB), and when I asked him the purpose of their visit, he told me that they were carrying cash. He made more trips abroad between 2022 and 2025 and often with IBB officials,” he said.
He said Gülibrahimoğlu told him that all the cash accumulated from bribes and tenders was taken abroad, usually to London. “He told me that half of the cash was transferred to a fund set up for a future presidential campaign, and the other half was allocated to Imamoğlu himself. He also told me that people organizing the transfers were paid 20% of the accumulated cash in exchange for their work.”
“Gülibrahimoğlu told me about a cryptocurrency company they founded and how they transferred cash abroad through cold wallets. He explained that money was being transferred overseas through currency exchange offices with commissions of nearly 1%. Some of the bribes and kickbacks from zoning and licensing were given to these currency exchange offices and then collected back from foreign exchange offices abroad. Additionally, a portion of the funds from permits and zoning fees was transferred abroad via cryptocurrency companies using cold wallets. I heard these details from conversations between Gülibrahimoğlu and Fatih Keleş. Gülibrahimoğlu is well aware of which currency exchange offices collected the money and through which cryptocurrency companies the transfers were made,” he said.
Yalçınkaya told investigators that cash transfers aboard private jets were disguised as gift packages. “Gülibrahimoğlu said each flight carried at least $10 million. I witnessed suitcases full of cash being loaded onto the jet. Bribe money collected from contractors and people fraudulently awarded permits in Istanbul was disguised as earnings from excavation and dumping work, laundered and packaged as gift parcels, and delivered to the addresses Imamoğlu provided abroad. Some of the money is also held in stock markets, cryptocurrency markets and currency exchange offices,” he said. “Some studio apartments across Istanbul are being used as cash storage locations. Murat knows their locations. To avoid the traceability of bribe-tied properties, title deeds are sometimes registered under the names of drivers, relatives, or close associates.”
“A portion of the collected bribes is used to fund the party and municipal expenses. Political rallies are sponsored with collected funds. Maintenance of (CHP’s) main building and district offices, hospitality expenses are all paid from this fund. Social media sponsorships, undisclosed payments to TV channels, numerous media companies and internet portals were also funded through this source. Part of these bribes was used to finance the construction of the CHP building in Istanbul,” Yalçınkaya said.
He added that the primary goal of the fund was to secure control of the CHP and referred to allegations of vote buying during the election of the party’s current chair, Özgür Özel, in November 2023. A separate lawsuit is underway about that election, and testimonies from several former CHP delegates claim that Imamoğlu and people close to Özel offered cash and other benefits to delegates in exchange for their votes to oust Özel’s predecessor, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. Yalçınkaya said Imamoğlu and his associates knew that they would need money to buy more votes if the election was to be annulled due to the lawsuit and sought to collect more bribes. “Fatih Keleş was worried when the investigation was launched into (Özel’s election). He told me that they were under too much pressure and had to pay more 'to support media and columnists' on their payroll.”
An earlier report by the Sabah newspaper says that Rıza Akpolat, a former mayor of Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district for the CHP who was arrested on corruption charges in January, funded journalists supportive of the CHP. A municipality staff member handed over to prosecutors a list of journalists and others who had been paid a budget of TL 56 million, which Akpolat had accumulated through bribes. The list of journalists allegedly funded by Akpolat includes prominent journalists with direct and indirect links to the CHP, such as Nevşin Mengü, Altan Sancar, Ali Haydar Fırat and Ismail Küçükkaya, as well as pro-CHP TV stations Halk TV and Tele 1. Similar allegations of journalists funded by CHP-run municipalities emerged earlier. Witnesses in the case against Imamoğlu have previously told investigators that Imamoğlu’s close associate, Murat Ongun, personally paid cash to some journalists in secret meetings at parking lots, in exchange for pro-Imamoğlu propaganda. The party’s former chairperson, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, in the past, implied that some journalists were funded by Imamoğlu, fueling a debate among journalists who accused each other on social media of receiving payments from municipalities.
