The new Cabinet unveiled by Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa on March 29 has stirred cautious optimism about the next chapter in Syria’s transition. In post-conflict settings, the composition of political institutions and how they function often determines the success or failure of a fragile political process. Inclusive and representative political bodies may help rebuild legitimacy, mend divided communities and restore a degree of public trust. After all, legitimacy begins with representation.
Syria’s leadership appears to acknowledge what’s at stake and the need for inclusivity. Comprising 23 ministers, the newly appointed Cabinet brings together figures from various ethnic, sectarian and religious backgrounds. In contrast to the previous caretaker government, criticized for being dominated by the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), this new arrangement signals a meaningful shift.
Al-Sharaa is walking a political tightrope, trying to counterbalance the HTS’s dominant presence in the Cabinet with growing demands, both at home and abroad, for a more inclusive government. The delicate balancing act is reflected in the Cabinet’s composition.
Two elements stand out: a focus on technocratic competence and an effort to include ministers from across Syria’s social spectrum, roughly mirroring the country’s demographic composition. Alongside seven HTS-affiliated figures, the Cabinet features ministers from the Druze, Christian, Kurdish and Alawite communities. The symbolism is clear, but whether this mix leads to effective and durable governance remains an open question.
Notably, al-Sharaa has also brought back two names from Syria’s Baath-era past: Nidal al-Shaar (minister of economy) and Yarub Badr (minister of transportation). By incorporating such figures, al-Sharaa aims to avoid alienating those linked to the former regime, provided they were not involved in that regime’s crimes. Yarub Badr’s presence is especially telling. As an Alawite, his appointment carries symbolic weight considering the Assad regime’s historic reliance on this community.
On the other side of the spectrum stands Hind Kabawat, one of Syria’s most prominent opposition figures and a human rights activist. She is the only Christian and also the only woman in a Cabinet of 23 ministers.
One aspect of the new Cabinet that is also noteworthy is the academic background of its members. Six ministers hold Ph.D.s and three others have earned master’s degrees from universities in the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany and France. These choices offer a glimpse into the leadership’s intention to prioritize proficiency in governance. This is particularly relevant as Syria confronts urgent challenges in infrastructure, economic recovery and institutional rebuilding.
Another detail worth noting is the absence of a prime minister in the new Cabinet. This arrangement stems from the Temporary Constitutional Declaration issued on March 13. That document established a presidential system to guide the country through its transitional phase.
For Syria, forming a diverse Cabinet is just the beginning. A much tougher task lies ahead: holding it together. With ministers drawn from wide ideological and social backgrounds, maintaining cohesion will require more than good intentions. It will demand real political skills. This moment marks a shift in al-Sharaa’s political evolution from revolutionary leader to head of government. Whether he is up to that challenge remains to be seen.
Yet, Cabinet dynamics are only one piece of Syria’s complex puzzle. The country continues to grapple with external threats to its territorial integrity and sovereignty. The most immediate danger lies in the southwest, where Israel has exploited the post-Assad power vacuum. Since the regime’s fall, Israeli forces have occupied areas as close as 25 kilometers (15.5 miles) from Damascus and have maintained a steady campaign of airstrikes, including strikes on the capital itself.
Meanwhile, the northeast presents a different kind of challenge. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), backed by the U.S. military, continues to control roughly one-quarter of Syria’s territory, an area rich in oil. Although Damascus and the SDF reached an agreement on March 10, stipulating the integration of the SDF into the Syrian state, the future of this arrangement remains uncertain. The SDF’s dominant faction, the YPG, is affiliated with the PKK terrorist group. Its control over Syria’s northeastern border regions with Türkiye and Iraq continues to pose a major security concern for Ankara.
A recent development, however, could mark a turning point. On May 14, the PKK announced that it would disband, disarm and dissolve itself – in response to a call from its imprisoned leader, Abdullah Öcalan. Notably, the SDF agreed with Damascus just 12 days after Öcalan’s call. Much now depends on whether the YPG will follow suit. Türkiye has made clear that any meaningful dissolution must go beyond its own borders and include not only the PKK but also its branch in Syria.
If Syrians were asked to name their most urgent needs, most would likely respond with two words: security and development. Syria’s economic situation is dire, as years of conflict have devastated infrastructure and livelihoods. According to the United Nations estimates, Syria’s gross domestic product (GDP) has shrunk to $29 billion, barely half of what it was in 2011. Per capita income has also dropped from $3,000 to just $850, leaving 90% of the population in poverty. The scale of devastation is staggering: reconstruction costs are projected to reach up to $1 trillion.
The road ahead is steep. Syria cannot reverse this economic collapse on its own. International support will be indispensable. Encouraging signs have emerged. U.S. President Donald Trump recently pledged to lift all sanctions against Syria, stating he made this decision after consultations with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman. This move would mark a true paradigm shift in Syria’s economic and political integration into the global economy.
Meanwhile, the European Union recently announced the partial lifting of sanctions, including those targeting Syrian Arab Airlines. Still, more needs to be done. Continued isolation could turn Syria into a breeding ground for terrorism and irregular migration.
Al-Sharaa’s administration inherits a country scarred by war and weighed down by humanitarian catastrophe. The coming months will test its ability to handle the daunting task of rebuilding. Halting Israeli aggression, restoring basic security, containing separatist threats, revitalizing the economy and reintegrating Syria into the international system must be top priorities.
None of these goals will be easy. Yet, only through inclusive governance, institutional reform and strong international cooperation can Syria’s transition lead to lasting peace and stability.
