Exploiting turmoil in Tartous and Latakia on the Mediterranean coast, the U.S.-backed YPG terrorist group launched attacks on the army of Syria’s new administration in Aleppo. The army thwarted the attacks, driving away the terrorists in the province where the YPG has a sizeable presence in the neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsood and Ashrafiyah.
"Our units were able to thwart an attack launched by the SDF on the Ashrafiyah front in Aleppo city, inflicting losses on the attacking groups," ministry spokesperson Hussein Abdul Ghani said in a statement carried by the state news agency SANA.
The SDF, a U.S.-backed armed wing of the YPG, currently controls one-third of Syria's territory, including most of the country's oil and gas fields. The YPG uses the name to give itself an air of legitimacy.
The group, which is the Syrian branch of the PKK terror group, has refused to join the new Syrian Defense Ministry following the fall of the Bashar Assad regime in Syria.
The YPG attack came a few days after Syria's coastal provinces of Latakia and Tartus witnessed coordinated attacks by remnants of the Assad regime. These were the most intense assaults since the regime's collapse, targeting security patrols and checkpoints, resulting in casualties. Assad, Syria's leader for nearly 25 years, fled to Russia on Dec. 8, 2024, ending the Baath Party regime, which had been in power since 1963. Ahmed al-Sharaa, who led anti-regime forces to oust Assad, was declared interim president for a transitional period on Jan. 29.
The Sheikh Maqsood and Ashrafiyah neighborhoods are among the areas occupied by the terrorist group. The YPG has dominated a border area stretching for about 300 kilometers (186 miles) near Türkiye, as well as Raqqa and Hassakeh, two provinces with a high Arab population, and parts of Deir el-Zour.
The YPG’s attacks across Aleppo heavily damaged several roads and key junctions, while civilians still steer clear of neighborhoods out of fear of being targeted. For those unaware of the YPG's control, authorities have erected signs on the streets leading to two neighborhoods. The signs warn people that the roads lead to areas controlled by the "QSD," an Arabic acronym for the SDF. The terrorist group also runs checkpoints inside the neighborhoods adorned with so-called “flags” of terrorists.
The YPG set up a so-called autonomous entity for Syria’s Kurds in the northwest and stands accused of driving out Arab natives in places it occupied.
The YPG’s attacks since the fall of the Assad regime have been particularly deadly in Manbij, which was captured by the Syrian National Army (SNA) from the group. Seven attacks since late December killed 28 civilians and injured 45 others.
The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), a U.K.-based monitoring group, says the YPG was behind the killings of at least 65 civilians in the past three months in Aleppo by sniper fire.
Recently, locals staged a demonstration in Aleppo to urge al-Sharaa to initiate an operation against YPG terrorists. Demonstrators held placards with slogans, including "Assad and the SDF have similar names in terms of crime and pronunciation," "If our state does not meet our demands, we will take individual actions and intervene in Sheikh Maqsood," "The SDF and Assad are two sides of the same coin," "Delayed justice creates new criminals," as well as "The existence of the SDF means division and instability for Syria."
Since the fall of the Assad regime, the YPG has attempted to exploit regional instability to create a "terror corridor” along the border with Türkiye. The SNA’s operations thwarted this attempt, though the situation remains tense near Tishrin Dam. The dam is a strategic area in northern Syria, one of the last strongholds of the YPG after the SNA gained control of Manbij and Tal Rifaat.
Uncertainty has loomed over the terrorist group’s future in Syria since the fall of the Assad regime, and the country’s new rulers promised to gather all armed groups into an official state army to prevent a resurgence of unrest and ensure sovereignty for an inclusive government.
Türkiye, which has backed the Syrian opposition and mounted a string of cross-border offensives into the country between 2016 and 2019, has repeatedly said it was time for the YPG to disband. YPG leader Ferhat Abdi Şahin, code-named "Mazloum Kobani," however, has indicated they had no intention of dissolving.
Experts point out a "shared goal" between the PKK/YPG and remnants of the overthrown Baath regime in Syria, particularly in the context of attacks on Aleppo. They noted that the attack is aimed at reshaping the region's demographics in favor of these groups and aligns with the actions of Baathist forces in Latakia and Tartus.
Murat Aslan, an associate professor at Hasan Kalyoncu University and researcher at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), says districts of Aleppo are home to a Kurdish population that has been under pressure from the PKK/YPG for years under the guise of providing security. He stated that the PKK has placed its own elements in these neighborhoods.
He emphasized that Aleppo is a bombed and destroyed ghost city, with many buildings being high-rise structures. "We know that PKK/YPG has placed snipers here and established checkpoints in certain parts of the city, particularly at the entrances and exits of these neighborhoods," he told Anadolu Agency (AA) on Monday. Aslan, who visited Aleppo three weeks ago, recounted that 45 people were killed simply for passing through these checkpoints, according to Aleppo's chief prosecutor.
"There is tension in Aleppo because of the PKK's presence. The PKK is trying to create a so-called 'liberated zone' in this area," he said. Aslan also noted that there have been discussions between the PKK/YPG and the new administration in Damascus about withdrawing forces from the area, but the PKK has not pulled its elements from the region.
He pointed out that the PKK/YPG's armed assault on the region was connected to the chaos on Syria's coast. "They seek to exploit any security vulnerabilities that might arise in Aleppo once security forces move into that area," he explained. "Moreover, they aim to put pressure on the Syrian regime, hoping it will weaken, especially in parallel with the events on the coast. By doing so, they hope to dictate terms in the ongoing negotiations between Syrian officials and leaders of terrorist groups east of the Euphrates."
Aslan noted that returns to Aleppo continue, and this trend will likely intensify in the summer months. He mentioned that between 700 and 1,000 people cross from Cilvegözü border crossing in Türkiye into Syria daily to return.
He added that the PKK does not want the demographic changes in the region to be reversed. "If Syrians from Türkiye or other neighboring countries return to Aleppo and its countryside, the PKK's control over these neighborhoods will be greatly diminished," he said, explaining that the PKK aims to prevent this by increasing security problems in the region.
Aslan emphasized that the PKK/YPG wants to maintain the area’s depopulation because the return of people would reduce their operational freedom. "They want to negotiate with the Syrian regime for autonomy," he added.
Dr. Oytun Orhan, coordinator of Levant Studies at the Middle East Research Center (ORSAM), told AA that during the civil war, there was cooperation between the regime and the PKK/YPG.
Orhan recalled that during the conflict, there was a non-aggression agreement between the regime and the PKK/YPG in the abovementioned neighborhoods of Aleppo and the regime handed over areas to the PKK/YPG after retreating from northeastern Syria.
"While fighting continued in Tartus and Latakia, the PKK/YPG's attack on Aleppo may be coordinated with these developments," Orhan said, pointing out that historical ties between the two groups make such coordination possible. Even if the developments are not fully coordinated, there is still a shared objective between the Baath remnants and PKK/YPG, he argued. "Both are seeking a divided, ethnically and sectarian fractured Syria."
Orhan mentioned that while there have been talks between the Syrian regime and the PKK/YPG, the latter's maximalist demands have not been accepted. He noted that the Syrian government has made it clear that it will not accept a "divided or federal" Syria, but the PKK/YPG is pushing for this. He explained that a legitimate Syrian government aiming for full territorial sovereignty weakens the PKK/YPG's position and that the group expects the Syrian regime's bargaining power to diminish. "Any instability that arises in Syria works to the advantage of the PKK/YPG, especially if it is ethnic or sectarian in nature," Orhan added.
Commenting on the situation in Latakia, Orhan observed, "What is happening in Latakia is perhaps most beneficial for the PKK/YPG. Therefore, there is a shared goal. The Baath remnants have no chance of returning to power in Syria, so their only option might be to try to establish a mini-state or a federal structure in Latakia and Tartus." Orhan also noted the efforts of countries like the U.S., Israel, Iran and some European nations to portray the events in Latakia as a "massacre," suggesting that they may be prioritizing a "federal structure" in Syria.
