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US otherization policy toward Türkiye

by Muhittin Ataman

Jan 17, 2024 - 12:05 am GMT+3
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken boards a plane as he departs Türkiye for Greek Island of Crete, in Istanbul, Türkiye, Jan. 6, 2024. (AFP Photo)
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken boards a plane as he departs Türkiye for Greek Island of Crete, in Istanbul, Türkiye, Jan. 6, 2024. (AFP Photo)
by Muhittin Ataman Jan 17, 2024 12:05 am

Over the last decade, successive U.S. administrations have consistently pursued policies that otherize Türkiye, indicating a persistent conflict due to divergent bilateral issues

The United States has been doing almost everything to otherize and alienate Türkiye throughout the last decade. The damaging steps taken by the last three U.S. governments, namely Barack Obama, Donald Trump and the current Joe Biden administrations, show that anti-Türkiye policy has become the state policy.

Both the Democrat and the Republican administrations, who think differently in many foreign policy issue areas, follow adverse policies toward Türkiye, which has been trying to protect its national interests by following a more independent foreign policy in its region. For example, Brent McGurk, known for his staunch anti-Turkish attitude, has been determining the U.S. policy toward the Middle East and Türkiye during the last three administrations.

U.S. support for terrorism

Throughout the last decade, the three consecutive U.S. governments have taken many anti-Türkiye steps. First of all, the U.S. government has been supporting the YPG, the Syrian offshoot of the PKK, which is recognized as a terrorist organization not only by Türkiye but also by Western countries, including the U.S. Despite the continuous Turkish opposition, clear evidence and the realities on the ground, the U.S. government does not recognize the YPG as a terrorist organization. On the contrary, it has been providing any military, economic and political support to the YPG in the northern part of Syria. The U.S. claims that it has a tactical relationship with the YPG in its struggle against Daesh. However, the U.S. government is determined to provide any support even after the elimination of the Daesh threat from the Syrian ground.

Second, the U.S. has been providing sanctuary to high-level Gülenist Terrorist Group (FETÖ) members, who were directly involved in the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016. It has been mobilizing different kinds of support for FETÖ not only in the U.S. but in other countries as well. The U.S. government allocates financial resources to FETÖ, allowing them to run charter schools in different American states. Leading FETÖ members, hired by other American institutions, have played a detrimental role in Türkiye-U.S. relations.

'Armenian genocide' claims

Third, the U.S. government has recognized the so-called Armenian genocide claims. Not only the White House but also Congress has recognized that Armenians were subjected to genocide. The U.S. government has played a damaging role in the South Caucasus by taking the Armenian side. As a matter of fact, the pro-Armenian American policy harms all states in the region, including the Armenian government. For instance, whenever the Armenian government attempts to initiate a rapprochement process with Türkiye, the U.S. government, which hosts the most effective Armenian diaspora, puts pressure on the Armenian government not to do so.

On the other hand, Türkiye has been insistently taking constructive steps toward Armenia. First, it has been calling the Armenian side to form a committee consisting of academicians and historians to examine the issue and eventually solve the problem. Second, Türkiye and Azerbaijan have been encouraging Armenia to normalize its relations with its two neighbors that it has conflictual relations.

Fourth, the U.S. has abandoned its relatively balanced policy in the Eastern Mediterranean region and has begun to support the Greek side and otherize Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriots. First of all, the U.S. lifted the arms embargo against the Southern Cypriot aministration and decided to contribute to the armament efforts of the Greek Cypriots. Furthermore, the U.S. has been building nine different military bases in Greece and its islands in the Eastern Mediterranean, one of which is just 40 kilometers (24.86 miles) away from the Turkish border. In addition, the U.S. even encourages Greece to increase tension in the region. U.S. officials urge Greek officials to militarize the Greek islands in the Aegean Sea.

Like the Armenian case, the U.S. does not want a rapprochement process between the Turkish and Greek sides. Whenever the two sides decide to soften their bilateral relations, U.S. officials encourage the Greek side to highlight the negative aspects of the bilateral ties between Türkiye and Greece.

Fifth, after rejecting the Turkish demand to purchase American air defense systems, the U.S. government has been trying to punish Türkiye for purchasing the S-400 air defense systems from Russia. The U.S. government does not even accept to modernize the American-made Turkish F-16s. There is an overall isolation of Türkiye by the U.S. government.

Lastly, the U.S. and Türkiye have been clashing over the most recent developments in the Gaza Strip. While Türkiye has been trying to mobilize different sets of countries to take decisive measures against the Israeli atrocities in Gaza, the U.S. government has been providing unconditional support for Israel. Similar to their clashing perspectives toward the Arab insurgencies and revolutions in 2011 and 2012, their perspectives are contrasting toward the Gaza crisis. All in all, the U.S. seems to continue to maintain its conflictual perspective toward Türkiye because of conflicting bilateral issues and opposite regional perspectives.

About the author
Muhittin Ataman is a professor in the Department of International Relations at Social Sciences University of Ankara. He is also the Editor-in-Chief of Insight Turkey, published by SETA Foundation.
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